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STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


STUDIES  in  JUDAISM 

SECOND  SERIES 


BY 

S.  SCHECHTER,  M.A.,  Litt.  D. 


Philadelphia 

The  Jewish  Publication  Society  of  America 
i 908 


COPYRIGHT,  1908,  BY 

The  Jewish  Publication  Society  of  America 


TO  MY  WIFE 


IN  DEVOTION  AND  GRATITUDE 


PREFACE 


The  volume  presented  herewith  to  the  public, 
under  the  title,  “Studies  in  Judaism,  Second  Series,” 
forms,  like  the  preceding  series  published  some  ten 
years  ago,  a collection  of  detached  essays  and  articles 
written  at  long  intervals  and  called  forth  by  various 
occasions. 

The  first  two  essays,  “ A Hoard  of  Hebrew  Manu- 
scripts,” were  written  shortly  after  my  return  from 
Egypt,  when  the  examination  of  the  contents  of  the 
Genizah  was  still  in  its  initial  stage.  Since  then,  the 
Genizah  has  been  constantly  revealing  treasures  to 
the  world,  to  which  only  volumes  of  description  could 
do  justice.  The  publications  containing  matter  com- 
ing from  this  treasure-trove  would  by  this  time  make 
a little  library,  whilst  the  editions  of  Sirach  fragments 
and  the  literature  of  controversies  provoked  by  the 
publication  of  the  original  of  this  Apocryphal  book 
might  fill  a fair-sized  shelf  in  themselves.  But  the 
work  is  only  just  beginning ; and  as  the  field  is  so  large 
and  the  workers  so  few,  I confess  that  I look  with  envy 
upon  the  younger  students  who  may  one  day,  at  least 
in  their  old  age,  enjoy  the  full  and  ripe  fruit  of  these 
discoveries  in  all  their  various  branches  and  wide 
ramifications. 


viii 


PREFACE 


The  third  and  fifth  essays,  “ The  Study  of  the 
Bible  ” and  “ On  the  Study  of  the  Talmud,”  were  called 
forth  by  my  appointment  as  Professor  of  Hebrew  in 
the  University  College,  London.  The  one  on  “ The 
Study  of  the  Bible”  was  intended  to  explain  my  atti- 
tude toward  a problem  closely  connected  with  a sub- 
ject I was  called  upon  to  expound  to  my  class.  The 
views  I expressed  on  that  occasion  were  described  by 
a friend  as  “ rank  scepticism,”  doubting  an  interpreta- 
tion of  Jewish  history  now  generally  accepted  as  the 
final  truth,  and  by  men  of  a younger  generation 
looked  upon  even  as  an  ancient  tradition.  To  this 
accusation  I must  plead  guilty,  and  even  confess  that 
my  scepticism  has  kept  pace  with  the  advance  of 
years.  The  one  “ On  the  Study  of  the  Talmud  ” was 
meant  to  give  some  directions  to  theologians  attend- 
ing my  class,  as  to  the  way  they  might  best  profit  by 
their  Rabbinic  studies.  The  essay  being  practically 
a plea  for  a scientific  study  of  the  Talmud,  it  was 
thought  that  it  might  be  profitably  read  by  wider 
circles. 

The  fourth  essay,  “ A Glimpse  of  the  Social  Life 
of  the  Jews  in  the  Age  of  Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach,” 
was  suggested  by  my  work,  “ The  Wisdom  of  Ben 
Sira,”  when  preparing  the  finds  of  the  Hebrew  origi- 
nals of  Ecclesiasticus  for  the  press.  It  assumes, 


PREFACE 


IX 


with  many  writers,  that  the  Synagogue  in  the  time 
of  Sirach  was,  in  most  of  its  important  features, 
already  fairly  developed,  and  that  as  a consequence 
the  religious  life,  at  200  b.  c.  e.  or  thereabouts,  did 
not  greatly  differ  from  what  we  know  it  to  have 
been  at  60  b.  c.  e.;  though,  of  course,  the  Hellenistic 
persecutions  must  have  greatly  contributed  toward 
emphasizing  and  intensifying  it  in  various  respects. 
The  essay  in  question  is,  however,  mostly  devoted  to 
the  social  life  of  the  Jews,  and  tries  to  show  how  little 
such  generalities  as  the  common  conception  of  the 
conversion  of  a Nation  into  a Church,  answer  the  real 
facts.  The  Synagogue  became  a part  of  the  Nation, 
not  the  Nation  a part  of  the  Synagogue. 

The  sixth  essay,  “ The  Memoirs  of  a Jewess  of  the 
Seventeenth  Century,”  forms  a review  of  the  well- 
known  diary  of  the  Jewess  Gliickel  von  Hameln 
(1645-1719).  ' I found  much  pleasure  in  writing  it,  as 
the  diary  is  quite  unique  as  a piece  of  literature,  and 
bears  additional  testimony  to  the  fact  that  our  grand- 
mothers were  not  devoid  of  religion,  though  they 
prayed  in  galleries,  and  did  not  determine  the  lan- 
guage of  the  ritual.  Theirs  was  a real,  living  re- 
ligion, which  found  expression  in  action  and  in  a sweet 
serenity. 


X 


PREFACE 


The  eighth  essay,  “Four  Epistles  to  the  Jews  of 
England,”  was  published  as  a protest  against  the  ap- 
pearance on  English  soil  of  certain  theological  catch- 
words, which  struck  me  as  both  misleading  and 
obsolete.  It  is  only  fair  to  state  that  the  writer’s 
opinions  did  not  pass  unchallenged,  and  provoked 
much  controversy  at  the  time. 

The  seventh  and  ninth  essays  are  closely  con- 
nected ; but  while  “Saints  and  Saintliness”  deals 
more  with  the  thing  “saintliness,”  “ Safed  ” treats 
more  of  saints,  and  the  two  are  intended  to  comple- 
ment each  other  in  various  ways. 

A prominent  English  writer  in  a moody  moment 
remarked,  that  one  would  love  to  be  a saint  for  at 
least  six  months.  I do  not  think  that  there  are  many 
who  cherish  a similar  desire,  but  there  may  be  some 
few  who  would  not  object  to  an  opportunity  of  ob- 
serving or  dwelling  with  a saint  for  a few  moments. 
They  may  perhaps  learn  that  there  is  something 
better  even  than  “ modernity  ” — which  is,  eternity. 

For  the  rest,  these  essays  written  in  a popular 
style,  all  technicalities  being  strictly  excluded,  need  no 
further  comment.  The  authorities  for  my  statements 
in  the  text  are  given  at  the  end  of  the  book  in  a series 
of  notes,  while  the  essay  on  Safed  is  accompanied  by 
two  appendixes,  giving,  especially  in  Appendix  A,  new 


PREFACE 


xi 


matter  from  manuscripts  upon  which  I have  largely 
drawn  in  the  text. 

My  thanks  are  due  to  the  editors  of  The  London 
Times,  The  Sunday  School  Times  (Philadelphia),  The 
Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  and  The  Jewish  Chronicle 
(London),  in  which  periodicals  some  of  these  essays 
appeared  for  the  first  time.  I am  also  indebted  to 
Mr.  I.  George  Dobsevage,  of  New  York,  who  was 
always  at  my  call  during  the  progress  of  the  work. 
My  thanks  are  furthermore  due  to  Rabbi  Charles 
Isaiah  Hoffman,  of  Newark,  N.  J.,  and  Dr.  Alexander 
Marx,  Professor  of  History  in  The  Jewish  Theological 
Seminary  of  America,  who  helped  me  in  various  ways 
in  the  revision  of  the  proofs.  But  I am  under 
special  obligations  to  my  friend  Miss  Henrietta  Szold, 
the  able  Secretary  of  The  Jewish  Publication  Society 
of  America,  not  only  for  the  Index,  but  also  for  her 
painstaking  reading-  of  the  proofs,  and  for  ever  so 
many  helpful  suggestions  by  which  this  volume  has 
profited. 


January,  1908. 


S.  S. 


CONTENTS 


Page 


A Hoard  of  Hebrew  Manuscripts  I i 

A Hoard  of  Hebrew  Manuscripts  II . . 12 

The  Study  of  the  Bible 31 

A Glimpse  of  the  Social  Life  of  the  Jews  in  the  Age  of 

Jesus  the  Son  of  Sirach . 55 

On  the  Study  of  the  Talmud 102 

The  Memoirs  of  a Jewess  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  . . 126 

Saints  and  Saintliness 148 

Four  Epistles  to  the  Jews  of  England 182 

Safed  in  the  Sixteenth  Century — A City  of  Legists  and 

Mystics 202 

Appendixes 289 

Appendix  A 292 

Appendix  B 302 

Notes . . . 309 

Index 331 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS1 

I 


The  Genizah,  to  explore  which  was  the  object  of 
my  travels  in  the  East  (1896-1897),  is  an  old  Jewish 
institution.  The  word  is  derived  from  the  Hebrew 
verb  ganaz,  and  signifies  treasure-house,  or  hiding- 
place.  When  applied  to  books,  it  means  much  the 
same  thing  as  burial  means  in  the  case  of  men. 
When  the  spirit  is  gone,  we  put  the  corpse  out  of 
sight  to  protect  it  from  abuse.  In  like  manner,  when 
the  writing  is  worn  out,  we  hide  the  book  to  pre- 
serve it  from  profanation.  The  contents  of  the  book 
go  up  to  heaven  like  the  soul.  “ I see  the  parchment 
burning,  and  the  letters  flying  up  in  the  air,”  were  the 
last  words  of  the  martyr  R.  Chanina  ben  Teradyon, 
when  he  went  to  the  stake  wrapped  in  the  scrolls  of 
the  Law.  The  analogy  of  books  with  men  was  so 
strongly  felt  that  sometimes  the  term  “hide”  was 
used  even  in  epitaphs  .-  “ Here  was  hidden  ( nignaz  or 
nitman)  this  man.”  When  R.  Eliezer  the  Great  was 
buried,  they  said,  “a  scroll  of  the  Law  was  hidden.” 
It  was  probably  this  feeling  that  suggested  the  in- 
junction to  hide  worn-out  copies  of  the  Pentateuch  in 
the  grave  of  a scholar.  More  often,  however,  they 
dug  a grave  for  the  dead  books  themselves  in  the 


2 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


cemetery,  or  hid  them  in  some  sort  of  shed  adjoining 
the  synagogue. 

Happily  for  us,  this  process  of  “hiding”  was  not 
confined  to  dead  or  worn-out  books  alone.  In  the 
course  of  time  the  Genizah  extended  its  protection  to 
what  we  may  call  (to  carry  on  the  simile)  invalid 
books  ; that  is,  to  books  which  by  long  use  or  want 
of  care  came  to  be  in  a defective  state,  sheets  being 
missing  at  the  beginning,  in  the  middle,  or  at  the  end, 
and  which  were  thus  disqualified  for  the  common  pur- 
poses of  study.  Another  class  of  works  consigned  to 
the  Genizah  were  what  we  may  call  disgraced  books, 
books  which  once  pretended  to  the  rank  of  Scriptures, 
but  were  found  by  the  authorities  to  be  wanting  in 
the  qualification  of  being  dictated  by  the  Holy  Spirit. 
They  were  “hidden.”  Hence  our  term  “Apocrypha” 
for  writings  excluded  from,  or  never  admitted  into, 
the  Canon.  Of  course,  such  books  came  into  the 
Genizah  in  a sound  condition ; but  the  period  at 
which  synods  and  councils  were  able  to  test  the 
somewhat  indefinable  quality  of  inspiration  is  now  so 
remote  that  these  “external  works”  have  met,  by 
reason  of  long  neglect,  with  the  same  fate  of  decom- 
position that  awaited  sacred  books,  by  reason  of  long 
and  constant  use. 

Besides  these  sacred  and  semi-sacred  books  the 
Genizah  proved  a refuge  for  a class  of  writings  that 
never  aspired  to  the  dignity  of  real  books,  but  are 
none  the  less  of  the  greatest  importance  for  Jewish 
history.  As  we  know,  the  use  of  the  sacred  language 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


3 


was,  among  the  Jews,  not  confined  to  the  sacred  liter- 
ature. With  them  it  was  a living  language.  They 
wrote  in  it  their  letters,  kept  in  it  their  accounts,  and 
composed  in  it  their  love-songs  and  wine-songs.  All 
legal  documents,  such  as  leases,  contracts,  marriage 
settlements,  and  letters  of  divorce,  and  the  proceed- 
ings as  well  as  the  decisions  of  the  courts  of  justice, 
were  drawn  up  in  Hebrew,  or,  at  least,  written  in 
Hebrew  letters.  As  the  Jews  attached  a certain 
sacredness  to  everything  resembling  the  Scriptures, 
either  in  matter  or  in  form,  they  were  loth  to  treat 
even  these  secular  documents  as  mere  refuse,  and 
when  they  were  overtaken  by  old  age,  they  disposed 
of  them  by  ordering  them  to  the  Genizah,  in  which 
they  found  a resting-place  for  centuries.  The  Geni- 
zah of  the  old  Jewish  community  thus  represents  a 
combination  of  sacred  lumber-room  and  secular  record 
office. 

It  was  such  a Genizah  that  I set  out  to  visit  in  the 
middle  of  December,  1896.  -My  destination  was  Cairo. 
The  conviction  of  the  importance  of  its  Genizah  had 
grown  upon  me  as  I examined  the  various  manuscripts 
which  had  found  their  way  from  it  into  English  pri- 
vate and  public  libraries,  and  which  had  already  led 
to  important  discoveries.  I therefore  determined  to 
make  a pilgrimage  to  the  source  whence  they  had 
come.  My  plan  recommended  itself  to  the  authori- 
ties of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  and  found  warm 
supporters  in  Professor  Sidgwick,  Dr.  Donald  Mac- 
Alister,  and  especially  Dr.  Taylor,  the  Master  of  St. 


4 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


John’s  College.  To  the  enlightened  generosity  of  this 
great  student  and  patron  of  Hebrew  literature  it  is  due 
that  my  pilgrimage  became  a regular  pleasure  trip  to 
Egypt,  and  extended  into  the  Holy  Land. 

Now  that  the  sources  of  the  Nile  are  being  visited 
by  bicycles,  there  is  little  fresh  to  be  said  about  Cairo 
and  Alexandria.  The  latter,  at  which  I landed,  is 
particularly  disappointing  to  the  Jewish  student. 
There  is  nothing  in  it  to  remind  one  of  Philo,  whose 
vague  speculations  were  converted  into  saving  dogmas, 
or  of  the  men  of  the  Septuagint,  whose  very  blunders 
now  threaten  to  become  Scripture.  Nor  is  any  trace 
left  of  the  principal  synagogue,  in  whose  magnificent 
architecture  and  tasteful  arrangements  the  old  Rabbis 
saw  a reflex  of  “ the  glory  of  Israel.”  Cairo  is  not 
more  promising  at  the  first  glance  that  one  gets  on 
the  way  from  the  station  to  the  hotel.  Everything  in 
it  calculated  to  satisfy  the  needs  of  the  European 
tourist  is  sadly  modern,  and  my  heart  sank  within  me 
when  I reflected  that  this  was  the  place  whence  I was 
expected  to  return  laden  with  spoils,  the  age  of  which 
would  command  respect  even  in  our  ancient  seats  of 
learning.  However,  I felt  reassured  after  a brief  inter- 
view with  the  Reverend  Aaron  Bensimon,  the  Grand 
Rabbi  of  Cairo,  to  whom  I had  an  introduction  from 
the  Chief  Rabbi,  the  Very  Reverend  Doctor  Herman 
Adler.  From  him  I soon  learnt  that  Old  Cairo  would 
be  the  proper  field  for  my  activity,  a place  old  enough 
to  enjoy  the  respect  even  of  a resident  of  Cambridge. 

I must  remark  here  that  the  Genizah,  like  the  rest 


A HOARD  OF  HEBRFAV  MANUSCRIPTS 


5 


of  the  property  of  the  synagogue  in  Cairo,  is  vested 
in  the  Rabbi  and  the  wardens  for  the  time  being.  To 
this  reverend  gentleman  and  to  Mr.  Youssef  M.  Cat- 
taui,  the  President  of  the  Jewish  Community,  my  best 
thanks  are  due  for  the  liberality  with  which  they  put 
their  treasures  at  my  disposal,  and  for  the  interest 
they  showed,  and  the  assistance  they  gave  me  in  my 
work. 

I drove  to  this  ancient  Genizah  accompanied  by 
the  Rabbi.  We  left  our  carriage  somewhere  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  “Fortress  of  Babylon,”  whence 
the  Rabbi  directed  his  steps  to  the  so-called  Synagogue 
of  Ezra  the  Scribe.  This  synagogue,  which  in  some 
writings  bears  also  the  names  of  the  prophets  Elijah 
and  Jeremiah,  is  well  known  to  old  chroniclers  and 
travellers,  such  as  Makreese,  Sambari,  and  Benjamin 
ofTudela.  I cannot  here  attempt  to  reproduce  the 
legends  which  have  grown  up  around  it  in  the  course 
of  time.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  it  has  an  authentic 
record  extending  over  more  than  a thousand  years, 
having  served  originally  as  a Coptic  Church  (St.  Mi- 
chael’s), and  been  thereafter  converted  into  a syna- 
gogue soon  after  the  Mohammedan  conquest  of 
Egypt.  Ever  since  that  time  it  has  remained  in  the 
uninterrupted  possession  of  the  Jews.  The  Genizah, 
which  probably  always  formed  an  integral  part  of  the 
synagogue,  is  now  situated  at  the  end  of  the  gallery, 
presenting  the  appearance  of  a sort  of  windowless  and 
doorless  room  of  fair  dimensions.  The  entrance  is  on 
the  west  side,  through  a big,  shapeless  hole  reached 


6 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


by  a ladder.  After  showing  me  over  the  place  and 
the  neighbouring  buildings,  or  rather  ruins,  the  Rabbi 
introduced  me  to  the  beadles  of  the  synagogue,  who 
are  at  the  same  time  the  keepers  of  the  Genizah,  and 
authorised  me  to  take  from  it  what,  and  as  much  as, 
I liked. 

Now,  as  a matter  of  fact,  I liked  all.  Still,  some 
discretion  was  necessary.  I have  already  indicated 
the  mixed  nature  of  the  Genizah.  But  one  can  hardly 
realise  the  confusion  in  a genuine,  old  Genizah  until 
one  has  seen  it.  It  is  a battlefield  of  books,  and  the 
literary  productions  of  many  centuries  had  their  share 
in  the  battle,  and  their  disjecta  membra  are  now 
strewn  over  its  area.  Some  of  the  belligerents  have 
perished  outright,  and  are  literally  ground  to  dust  in 
the  terrible  struggle  for  space,  whilst  others,  as  if 
overtaken  by  a general  crush,  are  squeezed  into  big, 
unshapely  lumps,  which  even  with  the  aid  of  chemical 
appliances  can  no  longer  be  separated  without  serious 
damage  to  their  constituents.  In  their  present  condi- 
tion these  lumps  sometimes  afford  curiously  sugges- 
tive combinations  ; as,  for  instance,  when  you  find  a 
piece  of  some  rationalistic  work,  in  which  the  very 
existence  of  either  angels  or  devils  is  denied,  clinging 
for  its  very  life  to  an  amulet  in  which  these  same 
beings  (mostly  the  latter)  are  bound  over  to  be  on 
their  good  behaviour  and  not  interfere  with  Miss  Jair’s 
love  for  somebody.  The  development  of  the  romance 
is  obscured  by  the  fact  that  the  last  lines  of  the  amulet 
are  mounted  on  some  I.  O.  U.,  or  lease,  and  this  in 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


7 


turn  is  squeezed  between  the  sheets  of  an  old  moralist, 
who  treats  all  attention  to  money  affairs  with  scorn 
and  indignation.  Again,  all  these  contradictory  mat- 
ters cleave  tightly  to  some  sheets  from  a very  old 
Bible.  This,  indeed,  ought  to  be  the  last  umpire  be- 
tween them,  but  it  is  hardly  legible  without  peeling  off 
from  its  surface  the  fragments  of  some  printed  work, 
which  clings  to  old  nobility  with  all  the  obstinacy  and 
obtrusiveness  of  the  parvenu. 

Such  printed  matter  proved  a source  of  great 
trouble.  It  is  true  that  it  occasionally  supplied  us 
with  loose  sheets  of  lost  editions,  and  is  thus  of  con- 
siderable interest  to  the  bibliographer.  But  consider- 
ing that  the  Genizah  has  survived  Gutenberg  for  nearly 
five  centuries,  the  great  bulk  of  it  is  bound  to  be  com- 
paratively modern,  and  so  is  absolutely  useless  to  the 
student  of  palaeography.  I had,  therefore,  to  confine 
my  likings  to  the  manuscripts..  But  the  amount  of 
the  printed  fragments  is  very  large,  constituting  as 
they  do  nearly  all  the  contributions  to  the  Genizah  of 
the  last  four  hundred  years.  Most  of  my  time  in 
Cairo  was  spent  in  getting  rid  of  these  parvenus , while 
every  piece  of  paper  or  parchment  that  had  any  claim 
to  respectable  age  was  packed  in  bags  and  conveyed 
to  the  forwarding  agent  to  be  shipped  to  England. 

The  task  was  by  no  means  easy,  the  Genizah  be- 
ing very  dark,  and  emitting  clouds  of  dust  when  its 
contents  were  stirred,  as  if  protesting  against  the  dis- 
turbance of  its  inmates.  The  protest  is  the  less 
to  be  ignored  as  the  dust  settles  in  one’s  throat, 


8 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


and  threatens  suffocation.  I was  thus  compelled  to 
accept  the  aid  offered  me  by  the  keepers  of  the  place, 
who  had  some  experience  in  such  work  from  their 
connexion  with  former  acquisitions  (perhaps  they 
were  rather  depredations)  from  the  Genizah.  Of 
course,  they  declined  to  be  paid  for  their  services  in 
hard  cash  of  so  many  piastres  per  diem.  This  was  a 
vulgar  way  of  doing  business  to  which  no  self-re- 
specting keeper  of  a real  Genizah  would  degrade  him- 
self. The  keepers  insisted  the  more  on  bakhshish , 
which,  besides  being  a more  dignified  kind  of  remu- 
neration, has  the  advantage  of  being  expected  also  for 
services  not  rendered.  In  fact,  the  whole  population 
within  the  precincts  of  the  synagogue  were  constantly 
coming  forward  with  claims  on  my  liberality — the 
men  as  worthy  colleagues  employed  in  the  same 
work  (of  selection)  as  myself,  or,  at  least,  in  watching 
us  at  our  work  ; the  women  for  greeting  me  respect- 
fully when  I entered  the  place,  or  for  showing  me 
their  deep  sympathy  in  my  fits  of  coughing  caused  by 
the  dust.  If  it  was  a fete  day,  such  as  the  New  Moon 
or  the  eve  of  the  Sabbath,  the  amount  expected  from 
me  for  all  these  kind  attentions  was  much  larger,  it 
being  only  proper  that  the  Western  millionaire  should 
contribute  from  his  fortune  to  the  glory  of  the  next 
meal. 

All  this  naturally  led  to  a great  deal  of  haggling 
and  bargaining,  for  which  I was  sadly  unprepared  by 
my  former  course  of  life,  and  which  involved  a great 
loss  both  of  money  and  time.  But  what  was  worse, 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


9 


was,  as  I soon  found  out,  that  a certain  dealer  in  an- 
tiquities, who  shall  be  nameless  here,  had  some  mys- 
terious relations  with  the  Genizah,  which  enabled  him 
to  offer  me  a fair  number  of  fragments  for  sale.  My 
complaints  to  the  authorities  of  the  Jewish  community 
brought  this  plundering  to  a speedy  end,  but  not  be- 
fore I had  parted  with  certain  guineas  by  way  of  pay- 
ment to  this  worthy  for  a number  of  selected  frag- 
ments, which  were  mine  by  right  and  on  which  he  put 
exorbitant  prices. 

The  number  of  fragments  procured  by  me  amounts, 
I think,  to  about  a hundred  thousand.  The  closer 
examination  of  them  has  begun  since  my  return  to 
England,  but  it  will  take  a long  time  before  an  ade- 
quate account  of  them  is  possible.  Here  I can  offer 
only  a few  brief  remarks  about  their  general  character, 
which,  of  course,  must  be  taken  with  due  reserve. 

The  study  of  the  Torah,  which  means  the  revela- 
tion of  God  to  man,  and  the  cultivation  of  prayer, 
which  means  the  revelation  of  man  to  God,  were  the 
grand  passion  of  old  Judaism  ; hence  the  Bible  (Old 
Testament)  and  the  liturgy  constitute  the  larger  part 
of  the  contents  of  the  Genizah.  The  manuscripts  of 
the  Bible,  though  offering  no  textual  variations  of 
consequence,  are  nevertheless  not  devoid  of  points  of 
interest ; for  some  fragments  go  back  as  far  as  the 
tenth  century,  and  are  thus  of  great  value,  if  only  as 
specimens  of  writing  • others  are  furnished  with  mar- 
ginal glosses,  or  are  interspersed  with  Chaldaic  and 
Arabic  versions  ; whilst  some  are  provided  with  quite 


IO 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


a new  system  of  punctuation,  differing  both  from  the 
Eastern  and  the  Western.  Regarding  the  Apocry- 
pha, I will  here  refer  only  to  the  fragment  of  the  orig- 
inal of  Ecclesiasticus,  which  it  was  my  good  fortune 
to  discover  on  May  13,  1896,  in  the  Lewis-Gibson 
collection  of  fragments.  The  communications  which 
were  then  made  by  Mrs.  Lewis  to  the  press  led  to  the 
discovery  of  further  fragments  at  Oxford.  All  these 
undoubtedly  come  from  a Genizah,  and  justify  the 
hope  that  our  recent  acquisitions  will  yield  more 
remains  of  these  semi-sacred  volumes.  As  to  liturgy, 
the  Genizah  offers  the  remains  of  the  oldest  forms  of 
the  worship  of  the  synagogue,  and  these  throw  much 
light  on  the  history  of  the  Jewish  prayer-book.  The 
number  of  hymns  found  in  the  Genizah  is  also  very 
great,  and  they  reveal  to  us  a whole  series  of  latter- 
day  psalmists  hitherto  unknown. 

Next  to  these  main  classes  come  the  fragments  of 
the  two  Talmuds  (the  Talmud  of  Babylon  and  the 
Talmud  of  Jerusalem)  and  Midrashim  (old  Rabbinic 
homilies).  They  are  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the 
student  of  Jewish  tradition,  giving  not  only  quite  a 
new  class  of  manuscripts  unknown  to  the  author  of 
the  Variae  Lectiones,  but  also  restoring  to  us  parts  of 
old  Rabbinic  works  long  ago  given  up  as  lost  for- 
ever. It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  both  Bible 
and  Talmud  are  accompanied  by  a long  train  of  com- 
mentaries and  super-commentaries  in  Hebrew  as  well 
as  in  Arabic.  It  is  the  penalty  of  greatness  to  be  in 
need  of  interpretation,  and  Jewish  authoritative  works 
have  not  escaped  this  fate. 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


ii 


The  number  of  autograph  documents  brought  to 
light  from  the  Genizah  is  equally  large.  They  ex- 
tend over  nearly  seven  hundred  years  (eighth  century 
to  the  fourteenth).  What  a rich  life  these  long  rolls 
unfold  to  us  ! All  sorts  and  conditions  of  men  and 
situations  are  represented  in  them  : the  happy  young 
married  couple  by  their  marriage  contract ; the  mar- 
riage that  failed  by  its  letter  of  divorce  ; the  slave  by 
his  deed  of  emancipation  ; the  court  of  justice  by  its 
legal  decisions  ; the  heads  of  the  schools  by  their 
learned  epistles  ; the  newly-appointed  “ Prince  of  the 
Exile  ” by  the  description  of  his  installation  ; the  rich 
trader  by  his  correspondence  with  his  agents  in  Mala- 
bar ; the  gentleman-beggar  by  his  letters  of  recom- 
mendation to  the  great  ones  in  Israel ; the  fanatics  by 
their  thundering  excommunications ; the  meek  man 
by  his  mild  apologies ; the  fool  by  his  amulet ; the 
medical  man  by  his  prescriptions  ; and  the  patient  by 
his  will.  To  these  may  be  added  a vast  amount  of 
miscellaneous  matter,  philosophical  and  mystical  as 
well  as  controversial,  which  is  the  more  difficult  to 
identify  as  almost  every  fragment  bears  witness  to  the 
existence  of  a separate  work. 

All  these  treasures  are  now  stored  up  in  the  Libra- 
ry of  the  University  of  Cambridge,  where  they  are 
undergoing  the  slow  process  of  a thorough  examina- 
tion. The  results  of  this  examination  will  certainly 
prove  interesting  alike  to  the  theologian  and  the  his- 
torian. 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS1 

II 


The  examination  of  the  contents  of  the  Genizah  is 
not  yet  concluded.  “ The  day  is  short  and  the  work 
is  great,”  and  the  workman,  if  not  actually  “lazy,” 
as  the  Fathers  of  the  Synagogue  put  it,  is  subject  to 
all  sorts  of  diversions  and  avocations,  such  as  lectur- 
ing, manuscript-copying,  proof-correcting,  and — novel 
reading.  The  numberless  volumes  of  “fresh  divinity” 
which  an  indefatigable  press  throws  on  the  market 
daily  take  up  also  a good  deal  of  one’s  time,  if  one 
would  be  “ up  to  date,”  though  many  of  them,  I am 
sorry  to  say,  prove,  at  best,  very  bad  novels. 

As  stated  in  the  previous  article 2 on  the  same  sub- 
ject, there  is  not  a single  department  of  Jewish  litera- 
ture— Bible,  Liturgy,  Talmud,  Midrashim,  Philoso- 
phy, Apologetics,  or  History — which  is  not  illustrated 
by  the  Genizah  discoveries.  Naturally,  not  all  the 
discoveries  are  of  equal  importance,  but  there  are  very 
few  that  will  not  yield  essential  contributions  to  the 
department  to  which  they  belong.  How  a Weiss  or 
a Friedmann  would  rejoice  in  his  heart  at  the  sight  of 
these  Talmudical  fragments  ! And  what  raptures  of 
delight  are  there  in  store  for  the  student  when  sifting 
and  reducing  to  order  the  historical  documents  which 
the  Genizah  has  furnished  in  abundance,  including  even 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


13 


the  remains  of  the  sacred  writings  of  strange  Jewish 
sects  that  have  long  since  vanished.  Considerations 
of  space,  however,  forbid  me  to  enter  into  detailed  de- 
scriptions ; these  would  require  a whole  series  of 
essays.  I shall  confine  myself  in  this  place  to  general 
remarks  upon  the  fragments  in  their  various  branches, 
the  trials  and  the  surprises  awaiting  one  in  the  course 
of  their  examination,  and  some  of  the  results  they 
have  yielded  up  to  the  present. 

The  process  of  examining  such  a collection  is 
necessarily  a very  slow  one.  In  the  ordinary  course 
of  cataloguing  manuscripts,  you  have  to  deal  with 
entire  volumes,  where  the  study  of  a single  leaf  tells 
you  at  once  the  tale  of  hundreds  and  hundreds  of  its 
neighbours  and  kindred.  The  collections  from  the 
Genizah,  however,  consist,  not  of  volumes,  but  of 
separate  loose  sheets,  each  of  them  with  a history  of 
its  own,  which  you  can  learn  only  by  subjecting  it  to 
examination  by  itself.  The  identification  of  Biblical 
fragments  gives  the  least  trouble,  as  they  are  mostly 
written  in  large,  square  characters,  whilst  their  matter 
is  so  familiar  that  you  can  take  in  their  contents  at  a 
glance.  Still,  a glance  will  not  always  suffice,  for 
these  fragments  are  not  only  written  in  different 
hands,  testifying  to  various  palzeographic  ages,  but 
many  of  them  are  also  provided  with  Massoretic 
notes,  or  with  an  unfamiliar  system  of  punctuation. 
Others  are  interspersed  with  portions  of  the  Chaldaic 
or  Arabic  versions.  They  all  have  to  be  arranged 
“after  their  kind,”  whilst  as  specimens  of  writing  they 


14 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


have  to  be  sorted  into  some  kind  of  chronological 
order.  To  judge  by  the  writing — which  is,  I admit, 
not  a very  trustworthy  test — the  Genizah  furnishes  us 
with  the  oldest  known  manuscripts  of  any  part  of  the 
Bible,  older  even  than  the  Pentateuch  manuscript  of 
the  British  Museum  (Oriental  4445),  described  as 
dating  “probably”  from  the  ninth  century.  On  one 
Biblical  fragment  I found  some  gilt  letters.  Gold  ink 
was  well  known  to  the  Jews  of  antiquity.  Some 
scholars  even  claim  it  as  an  invention  of  the  People 
of  the  Book.  But  its  use  in  the  writing  of  the  Scrip- 
tures was  early  forbidden  by  the  Rabbis.  The  pro- 
hibition was  meant  to  apply  only  to  copies  intended 
for  public  reading  in  the  synagogue.  But,  as  a fact, 
all  manuscripts  of  the  Bible  are  singularly  free  from 
such  “ornamental  aids.”  The  fragment  in  question 
forms  a rare  exception,  and  must,  therefore,  date  from 
an  age  when  simplicity  and  uniformity  in  the  materials 
used  for  writing  the  Bible  had  not  yet  become  the 
rule. 

Of  great  rarity,  again,  are  the  fragments  in  which 
all  the  words  (except  those  at  the  beginning  of  the 
verses)  are  represented  by  a peculiar  system  of 
initials  only,  as,  for  instance,  “ In  the  beginning 
G.  c.  the  h.  a.  the  e.”  (Gen.  i:  1).  That  such  ab- 
breviations should  be  employed  even  in  copies  of 
Holy  Writ  was  only  natural  in  an  age  when  the 
chisel  and  the  pen  were  the  only  means  of  making 
thought  visible.  On  the  strength  of  the  few  ab- 
breviations they  met  with  in  Bible  manuscripts,  Ken- 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


15 


nicott  and  other  scholars  tried  to  account  for  cer- 
tain misreadings  of  the  Septuagint.  Take  your  Web- 
ster’s Dictionary,  and  look  up  how  many  hundreds  of 
words  begin,  for  instance,  with  the  letter  B,  and  think, 
on  the  other  hand,  that  in  the  sentence  before  you 
there  is  room  for  one  ^-headed  word  only,  and  you 
will  form  some  idea  what  a dangerous  pitfall  lay  in 
every  initial  for  the  Greek  translator,  or  even  for  the 
Jewish  scribe.  The  Genizah  has  for  the  first  time 
supplied  us  with  samples  proving  that  the  abbrevia- 
tion system  was  not  limited  to  certain  isolated  words, 
but  extended  to  the  whole  contents  of  the  Bible. 
The  particular  system  represented  in  the  Genizah 
seems  to  have  been  known  to  the  old  Rabbis  under 
the  name  of  Trellis- writing.  Dr.  Felix  Perles,  from 
his  acquaintance  with  the  few  specimens  acquired  by 
the  Bodleian  Library,  at  once  recognised  their  signi- 
ficance for  the  verbal  criticism  of  the  Bible,  and  made 
them  the  subject  of  some  apt  remarks  in  a recent  essay 
(Analecten  zur  Textkritik , etc.,  Munich,  1895).  The 
Cambridge  collections  include  such  examples  in  far 
greater  number,  and  many  more  may  still  be  found. 
They  will  probably  be  edited  in  a volume  by  them- 
selves, and  will,  I have  no  doubt,  after  careful  study 
throw  fresh  light  on  many  an  obscure  passage  in  the 
different  versions. 

While  the  Trellis-written  Bible  was  undoubtedly 
intended  for  the  use  of  the  grown-up  scholar,  in 
whose  case  a fair  acquaintance  with  the  sacred  volume 
could  be  assumed,  we  have  another  species  of  Bibli- 


i6 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


cal  fragments,  representing  the  “ Reader  without 
Tears”  of  the  Old  World.  They  are  written  in  large, 
distinct  letters,  and  contain,  as  a rule,  the  first  verses 
of  the  Book  of  Leviticus,  accompanied  or  preceded 
by  various  combinations  of  the  letters  of  the  alphabet, 
which  the  child  had  to  practise  upon.  The  modern 
educationalist,  with  his  low  notions  of  the  “priestly 
legislation,” — harsh,  unsympathetic  words,  indeed — 
would  probably  regard  this  part  of  the  Scriptures  as 
the  last  thing  in  the  world  fit  to  be  put  into  the  hands 
of  children.  We  must  not  forget,  however,  that  the 
Jew  of  ancient  times  was  not  given  to  analysis.  Seiz- 
ing upon  its  bold  features,  he  saw  in  the  Book  of 
Leviticus  only  the  good  message  of  God’s  reconcilia- 
tion with  man,  by  means  of  sacrifice  and  of  purity  in 
soul  and  body.  Perceiving,  on  the  other  hand,  in 
every  babe  the  budding  minister  “without  taint  of  sin 
and  falsehood,”  the  Rabbi  could  certainly  render  no 
higher  homage  to  childhood  than  when  he  said,  “ Let 
the  pure  come  and  busy  themselves  with  purity.  ” 
Every  school  thus  assumed  in  his  eyes  the  aspect  of 
a holy  temple,  in  which  the  child  by  his  reading  per- 
formed the  service  of  an  officiating  priest. 

Sometimes  it  is  the  fragments  forming  the  conclu- 
sions of  books,  or,  more  correctly,  of  whole  groups 
of  books,  such  as  the  end  of  the  Pentateuch,  the  end 
of  the  Prophets,  and  the  end  of  the  Hagiographa, 
that  yield  us  important  information  ; for  in  some  cases 
they  possess  appendixes  or  colophons  that  give  the 
date  of  the  manuscript,  as  well  as  the  name  of  the 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


17 


owner  and  of  the  scribe.  Occasionally  we  come  upon 
a good  scolding,  as  when  the  colophon  runs:  “This 
Pentateuch  [or  Psalter]  was  dedicated  by  N.  N.,  in 

the  year , to  the  synagogue . It  shall  not 

be  sold,  it  shall  not  be  removed,  it  shall  not  be 
pawned ; cursed  be  he  who  sells  it,  cursed  be  he  who 
removes  it,’’  etc.  So  far  “the  pious  founder.’’  It  is 
rather  disconcerting  to  read  these  curses  when  you 
happen  to  know  something  about  the  person  who 
removed  the  manuscript,  but  you  have  to  make  the 
best  of  such  kind  wishes  if  you  want  to  get  at  its 
history.  Perhaps  my  researches  may,  after  all,  prove 
helpful  to  the  feeble  efforts  made  by  the  pious  donor 
to  achieve  immortality,  inasmuch  as  his  name  will 
again  be  given  to  the  world  in  the  catalogue  which 
will  one  day  be  prepared.  His  chances  in  the  dust- 
heap  of  the  Genizah  were  certainly  much  poorer. 

The  foregoing  remarks  will  suffice  to  show  that 
even  the  Biblical  fragments,  though  naturally  adding 
to  our  knowledge  little  that  is  fresh  in  matter,  are  not 
without  their  points  of  interest,  and  must  by  no  means 
be  lightly  esteemed.  But  this  is  not  all.  Ancient 
manuscripts  are  not  to  be  judged  by  mere  outward 
appearances;  they  have  depths  and  under-currents  of 
their  own.  And,  after  you  have  taken  in  the  text, 
marginal  notes,  versions,  curses,  and  all,  there  flashes 
upon  you,  from  between  the  lines  or  the  words,  a 
faint  yellow  mark  differently  shaped  from  those  in  the 
rest  of  the  fragment,  and  you  discover  that  it  is  a 
palimpsest  you  have  in  hand.  Your  purely  Hebrew 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


18 


studies  are  then  at  an  end,  and  you  find  yourself  drift- 
ing suddenly  into  Greek,  Palestinian  Syriac,  Coptic, 
or  Georgian,  as  the  case  may  be.  Only  in  two  cases 
have  the  palimpsests  turned  out  to  be  Hebrew  upon 
Hebrew.  A new  examination  then  begins,  and  to 
this  you  have  to  apply  yourself  the  more  strenuously 
as  the  under  writing  is  usually  of  more  importance 
than  the  later  surface  writing. 

This  has  proved  to  be  especially  the  case  with  the 
liturgical  fragments,  among  which  the  earliest,  and 
perhaps  the  most  important,  palimpsests  have  been 
found.  Personally,  I am  quite  satisfied  with  their 
appearance.  If  they  restore  to  us  the  older  forms  of 
the  “original  prayers,”  as  some  of  them  indeed  do, 
they  need,  of  course,  no  further  raison  d'etre  for  the 
Jewish  student,  this  being  the  only  means  of  supply- 
ing us  with  that  history  of  our  ancient  liturgy  which 
is  still  a desideratum.  But  even  if  they  represent  only 
some  hymn  of  the  later  Psalmists  of  the  synagogue 
(Paitanim),  I am  not,  on  closer  acquaintance,  particu- 
larly anxious  to  see  them  improved  upon.  One  likes 
to  think  of  the  old  days  when  devotion  was  not  yet 
procurable  ready-made  from  hymn-books  run  by  theo- 
logical syndicates ; and  many  a fragment  in  the  Genizah 
headed  “ In  thy  name,  Merciful  One,”  and  followed 
by  some  artless  religious  lyric  or  simple  prayer,  is  full 
of  suggestion  regarding  by-gone  times.  You  can  see 
by  their  abruptness  and  their  unfinished  state  that 
they  were  not  the  product  of  elaborate  literary  art, 
but  were  penned  down  in  the  excitement  of  the 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


19 


moment,  in  a “fit  of  love,”  so  to  speak,  to  express  the 
religious  aspirations  of  the  writer.  Their  metre  may 
be  faulty,  their  diction  crude,  and  their  grammar  ques- 
tionable, but  love  letters  are  not,  as  a rule,  distinguished 
by  perfection  of  style.  They  are  sublime  stammering  at 
best,  though  they  are  intelligible  enough  to  two  souls 
absorbed  in  each  other.  I am  particularly  fond  of 
looking  at  the  remnants  of  a Piyutim  collection,  writ- 
ten on  papyrus  leaves,  with  their  rough  edges  and  very 
ancient  writing.  In  turning  those  leaves,  with  which 
time  has  dealt  so  harshly,  one  almost  imagines  one 
sees  again  the  “gods  ascending  out  of  the  earth,” 
transporting  us,  as  they  do,  to  the  Kaliric  period,  and 
perhaps  even  earlier,  when  synagogues  were  set  on 
fire  by  the  angels  who  came  to  listen  to  the  service  of 
the  holy  singers,  and  mortals  stormed  Heaven  with 
their  prayers.  How  one  would  like  to  catch  a glimpse 
of  that  early  hymnologist  to  whom  we  owe  the  well- 
known  Piyut,  VTIX'1,  which,  in  its  iconoclastic  victory 
of  monotheism  over  all  kinds  of  idolatries,  ancient 
as  well  as  modern,  might  be  best  described  as  the 
Marseillaise  of  the  people  of  the  Lord  of  Hosts — 
a Marseillaise  which  is  not  followed  by  a Reign  of 
Terror,  but  by  the  Kingdom  of  God  on  earth,  when 
the  upright  shall  exult,  and  the  saints  trium- 
phantly rejoice. 

These  are,  however,  merely  my  personal  senti- 
ments. The  majority  of  students  would  look  rather 
askance  upon  the  contents  of  the  Sabbatical  hymn 
under  which  the  remains  of  Aquila  were  buried  for 


20 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


nearly  nine  centuries.  The  story  of  Aquila,  or 
Akylas,  the  name  under  which  he  passes  in  Rabbinic 
literature,  is  not  a very  familiar  one  to  the  public,  and  it 
offers  so  many  points  of  interest  that  it  is  worth  dwelling 
upon  it  for  a while.  He  flourished  in  the  first  decades  of 
the  second  century  of  the  Christian  Era,  was  a Graeco- 
Roman  by  birth,  and  was  brought  up  in  the  pagan 
religion  of  his  native  place,  Sinope,  a town  in  the 
Pontos,  in  Asia  Minor,  which  acquired  fresh  fame  as 
the  opening  scene  of  the  Crimean  War.  Both  Jewish 
and  Christian  legends  report  him  to  have  been  a kins- 
man of  the  Emperor  Hadrian,  but  there  is  no  histori- 
cal evidence  for  it.  It  is,  however,  not  unlikely  that 
he  had  some  relation  with  the  court,  as  we  know  that 
Hadrian  entrusted  him  with  the  restoration  of  Jeru- 
salem, which  he  was  planning  at  that  time.  Of  his 
father  we  know  only  that  he  was  well-off  and  a good 
orthodox  heathen  ; for  it  is  recorded  that  Aquila,  who 
was  already  professing  Judaism  when  his  father  died, 
had  great  difficulties  with  his  share  in  the  inheritance, 
which  included  idols.  In  accordance  with  his  inter- 
pretation of  the  Jewish  law  (Deut.  13  : 17),  he  refused 
to  derive  any  profit  from  them,  even  indirectly,  and 
threw  their  equivalent  in  money  into  the  Dead  Sea. 
His  early  training  must  have  been  that  of  the  regular 
Greek  gentleman,  sufficiently  known  from  Plutarch’s 
Lives.  According  to  one  report  he  began  life  as 
priest  in  the  pagan  temple  of  his  native  place,  in  which, 
considering  his  high  connexions,  he  probably  held 
some  rich  benefice. 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


21 


According  to  some  writers  Christianity  formed  the 
intermediary  stage  by  which  Aquila  passed  from 
paganism  to  Judaism.  This  would  be  a very  natural 
process.  But  the  matter,  as  represented  by  some 
Fathers  of  the  Church,  is  not  very  flattering  to 
Judaism.  Their  story  is  somewhat  as  follows: 
Aquila,  abiding  in  Jerusalem,  by  the  order  of  the 
Emperor,  and  seeing  there  the  disciples  of  the  Apostles 
flourishing  in  the  faith,  and  doing  great  signs  in  heal- 
ing and  other  wonders,  became  so  deeply  impressed 
therewith  that  he  soon  embraced  the  Christian  faith. 
After  some  time  he  claimed  the  “seal  in  Christ,”  and 
obtained  it.  But  he  did  not  turn  away  from  his  former 
habit  of  believing, — to  wit,  in  vain  astronomy,  of  which 
he  was  an  expert, — but  would  be  casting  the  horo- 
scope of  his  nativity  every  day,  wherefore  he  was  re- 
proved and  upbraided  by  the  disciples.  However,  he 
would  not  mend,  but  would  obstinately  oppose  to  them 
false  and  incoherent  arguments,  such  as  fate  and 
matters  therewith  connected ; so  he  was  expelled 
from  the  Church  as  one  unfit  for  salvation.  Sorely 
vexed  at  being  dishonoured  in  this  way,  his  mind  was 
goaded  by  wanton  pride,  and  he  abjured  Christianity 
and  Christian  life,  became  a Jewish  proselyte,  and  was 
circumcised. 

The  best  historians,  however,  give  preference  to 
the  Jewish  account,  which  tells  us  nothing  about 
Aquila’s  Christian  days.  In  this  he  figures  as  Akylas 
the  proselyte,  the  disciple  of  R.  Eliezer  and  R.  Joshua. 
With  the  former  he  is  said  to  have  had  a rather  bad 


22 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


encounter.  Perusing  the  passage  in  the  Scripture, 
“ For  the  Lord  your  God  ...  he  does  execute  the 
judgment  of  the  fatherless  and  the  widow,  and  loveth 
the  stranger  (Ger)  in  giving  him  food  and  raiment” 
(Deut.  io  : 17-18),  Aquila  exclaimed:  “So,  that  is  all 
which  God  has  in  store  for  the  Gert  How  many 
pheasants  and  peacocks  have  I which  even  my  slaves 
refuse  to  taste”  (so  satiated  are  they  with  delicacies)? 
To  be  sure,  modest  wants  and  frugal  habits  are  no 
great  recommendation  for  a religion.  At  least,  it  can- 
not under  such  circumstances  aspire  to  the  dignity  of 
the  church  of  a gentleman.  R.  Eliezer  resented  this 
worldliness  in  his  pupil,  and  rebuked  him  with  the 
words:  “Dost  thou,  Ger,  speak  so  slightingly  of  the 
things  for  which  the  patriarch  (Jacob)  prayed  so 
fervently?”  (Gen.  33:  20).  This  harshness  of  R. 
Eliezer,  we  are  told,  nearly  led  to  a relapse  of  the 
proselyte.  He  found,  however,  a more  patient  listen- 
er in  the  meek  and  gentle  R.  Joshua,  who  by  his 
sympathetic  answer  reconciled  him  to  his  new  faith. 

The  work  which  brought  Aquila’s  name  to  pos- 
terity is  his  Greek  version  of  the  Old  Testament, 
which  he  undertook  because  he  found  the  text  of  the 
Septuagint  greatly  disfigured,  both  by  wilful  inter- 
polations and  by  blundering  ignorance.  It  was  pre- 
pared under  the  direction  of  the  two  Rabbis  just  men- 
tioned (R.  Eliezer  and  R.  Joshua)  and  their  fellow- 
disciple  R.  Akiba.  The  main  feature  of  Aquila’s  ver- 
sion is  an  exaggerated  literalism,  which,  as  one  may 
imagine,  often  does  violence  to  the  Greek.  It  is 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


23 


such  awkward  Greek  that,  as  somebody  has  said,  it 
is  almost  good  Hebrew.  The  alternative  which  lay 
before  Aquila  was,  as  it  seems,  between  awkward 
Greek  and  bad  and  false  renderings,  and  he  decided 
for  the  former.  One  of  the  Church  Fathers,  when 
alluding  to  this  version,  says  : “Thereupon  (after  his 
conversion  to  Judaism)  he  devoted  himself  most 
assiduously  to  the  study  of  the  Hebrew  tongue  and 
the  elements  thereof,  and,  when  he  had  completely 
mastered  the  same,  he  set  to  interpreting  (the  Scrip- 
tures), not  of  honest  purpose,  but  in  order  to  pervert 
certain  sayings  of  Scriptures,  hurling  his  attacks  against 
the  version  of  the  seventy-two  interpreters,  with  a 
view  to  giving  a different  rendering  to  those  things 
which  are  testified  of  Christ  in  the  Scriptures.” 

Now,  so  far  as  one  can  judge  from  the  little 
retained  to  us  of  his  version,  Aquila’s  perverting 
activity  did  not  go  much  farther  than  that  which 
engaged  the  Revision  Committee  for  many  years,  who 
also  gave  different  renderings,  at  least  in  the  margin, 
to  the  so-called  Christological  passages.  It  is  true 
that  Jews  preferred  his  version  to  the  Septuagint, 
which  at  that  time  became  the  playground  of  theolo- 
gians, who  deduced  from  it  all  sorts  of  possible  and 
impossible  doctrines,  not  only  by  means  of  interpreta- 
tion, but  also  by  actual  meddling  with  the  text.  One 
has  only  to  read  with  some  attention  the  Pauline 
Epistles  to  see  with  what  excessive  freedom  Scriptural 
texts  were  handled  when  the  severest  rules  of  exegesis 
were  abandoned.  Some  modern  divines  even  exalt 


24 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


these  misquotations  and  wrong  translations  as  the 
highest  goal  of  Christian  liberty,  which  is  above  such 
paltry,  slavish  considerations  as  exactness  and  accu- 
racy. Aquila’s  version  may  thus  have  interfered  with 
theological  liberty.  But  there  is  no  real  evidence  that 
he  entered  upon  his  work  in  a controversial  spirit. 
His  undertaking  was  probably  actuated  by  purely 
scholarly  motives.  As  a fact,  the  most  learned  of  the 
Church  Fathers  (c.  g.  St.  Jerome)  praise  it  often  as  a 
thorough  and  exact  piece  of  work.  As  to  the  Rabbis, 
tradition  records,  that  when  Aquila  put  his  version 
before  his  Jewish  masters,  they  were  so  delighted  with 
it  that  they  applied  to  it  the  verse  in  Psalms  : “ Thou 

art  fairer  than  the  children  of  men,  grace  is  poured  in 
thy  lips  (45  : 3).”  The  Rabbis  were,  indeed,  not 
entirely  insensible  to  the  grace  of  the  Greek  language, 
and  they  interpreted  the  verse  in  Genesis  9=27,  to 
mean  that  the  beauty  of  Japheth  (the  type  of  Greece), 
which  is  so  much  displayed  in  his  language,  shall,  by 
the  fact  that  the  Torah  will  be  rendered  into  the  Greek 
tongue,  find  access  to  the  tents  (or  synagogues)  of 
Shern  (represented  by  Israel.)  In  the  case  of  Aquila, 
however,  the  grace  admired  in  his  version  was,  one 
must  assume,  the  grace  of  truth.  To  the  grace  of  an 
elegant  style  and  fluent  diction,  as  we  have  seen,  it 
can  lay  no  claim. 

For  most  of  our  knowledge  of  Aquila  we  are 
indebted  to  Origen.  We  know  his  amiable  weakness 
for  universal  salvation.  He  thought  not  even  the 
devil  beyond  the  possibility  of  repentance.  Accord- 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


25 


ingly,  he  saved  the  “ Jewish  proselyte  ” from  oblivion 
by  inserting  several  of  his  renderings  in  his  famous 
Hexapla , which,  however,  has  come  down  to  us  in  a 
wrecked  and  fragmentary  state.  The  Aquila  frag- 
ments discovered  in  the  Genizah  represent,  in  some 
cases,  Piyutim,  in  others,  the  Talmud  of  Jerusalem, 
and  the  Greek  under  them  is  written  in  uncials,  stated 
by  specialists  to  date  from  the  beginning  of  the  sixth 
century.  They  are  the  first  continuous  pieces  coming, 
not  through  the  medium  of  quotations,  but  directly 
from  Aquila’s  work,  and  must  once  have  formed  a 
portion  of  a Bible  used  in  some  Hellenistic  Jewish 
synagogue  for  the  purpose  of  public  reading.  The 
Tetragrammaton  is  neither  translated  nor  transcribed, 
but  written  in  the  archaic  Hebrew  characters  found  in 
the  Siloam  inscription.  Considering  that  Aquila’s 
version  is  so  literal  that  the  original  is  always  trans- 
parently visible  through  it,  these  fragments  will  prove 
an  important  contribution  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
state  of  the  Hebrew  text  during  the  first  centuries  of 
our  era,  and  of  the  mode  of  its  interpretation.  A part 
of  these  fragments  have  been  already  edited  in  various 
publications,  by  Dr  C.  Taylor,  the  Master  of  St. 
John’s  College,  and  Mr.  Burkitt,  the  fortunate  dis- 
coverer of  the  first  Aquila  leaf.  But  more  leaves 
have  since  come  to  light,  which  will  be  edited  in  course 
of  time. 

To  return  to  the  liturgical  fragments  found  in  the 
Genizah.  Under  this  head  may  be  included  the  di- 
dactic poetry  of  the  synagogue.  It  is  a peculiar  mix- 


26 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


ture  of  devotional  passages  and  short  epigrammatic 
sentences,  representing,  to  a certain  extent,  the  Wis- 
dom literature  of  the  Synagogue  in  the  Middle  Ages. 
Sometimes  they  are  written,  not  unlike  the  Book  of 
Proverbs  in  the  old  Bible  manuscripts,  in  two  columns, 
each  column  giving  a hemistich.  The  examination  of 
this  class  of  fragments  requires  great  caution  and  close 
attention,  not  so  much  on  account  of  their  own  merits 
as  because  of  their  strong  resemblance  to  Ecclesias- 
ticus  both  in  form  and  in  matter.  You  dare  not  neg- 
lect the  former  lest  some  piece  of  the  latter  escape 
you.  The  identification  of  the  Ecclesiasticus  frag- 
ments is,  indeed,  a very  arduous  task,  since  our  knowl- 
edge of  this  apocryphon  has  been  till  now  attainable 
only  through  its  Greek  or  Syriac  disguise,  which 
amounts  sometimes  to  a mere  defaced  caricature  of 
the  real  work  of  Sirach.  But  I hardly  need  to  point 
out  that  the  recovery  of  even  the  smallest  scrap  of 
the  original  Hebrew  compensates  richly  for  all  the 
labor  spent  on  it.  Apart  from  its  semi-sacred  charac- 
ter, these  Sirach  discoveries  restore  to  us  the  only 
genuine  document  dating  from  the  Persian-Greek 
period  (from  about  450  till  about  160  B.  c.  E.),  the 
most  obscure  in  the  whole  of  Jewish  history.  And  I 
am  strongly  convinced  that  with  all  his  “Jewish 
prejudices”  he  will  prove  a safer  guide  in  this  laby- 
rinth of  guesses  and  counter-guesses  than  the  liberal- 
minded  “backward  prophet”  of  the  Nineteenth  Cen- 
tury, whose  source  of  inspiration  is  not  always  above 
doubt.3  I am  happy  to  state  that  my  labours  in  this 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


27 


department  were  rewarded  with  several  discoveries  of 
fragments  from  Sirach’s  “ Wisdom  Book.”  They  will 
soon  be  submitted  to  the  necessary  study  preceding 
their  preparation  for  the  press,  when  they  will  appear 
in  a separate  volume. 

The  Rabbinic  productions  of  the  earlier  sages, 
teachers,  and  interpreters,  as  they  are  embodied  in  the 
Mishnah,  the  Additions,  and  the  Talmud  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  Talmud  of  Babylon,  formed  the  main  subjects 
of  study  in  the  mediaeval  schools  of  the  Jews.  It  is 
thus  only  natural  that  the  Genizah  should  yield  a 
large  number  of  fragments  of  the  works  mentioned, 
and  they  do,  indeed,  amount  to  many  hundreds. 
Some  of  these  are  provided  with  vowel-points,  and 
occasionally  also  with  accents,  and  thus  represent  a 
family  of  manuscripts  hitherto  known  only  through 
the  evidence  of  certain  authorities  testifying  to  the  fact 
that  there  existed  copies  of  early  Rabbinic  works 
prepared  in  the  way  indicated.  But  what  the  student 
is  especially  looking  out  for  is  for  remainders  of  the 
Talmud  of  Jerusalem,  which,  though  in  some  respects 
more  important  for  the  knowledge  of  Jewish  history 
and  the  intelligent  conception  of  the  minds  of 
the  Rabbis  than  the  “twin-Talmud  of  the  East,” 
has  been,  by  certain  untoward  circumstances,  badly 
neglected  in  the  schools,  and  thus  very  little  copied 
by  the  scribes.  Its  real  importance  and  superi- 
ority above  similar  contemporary  productions  was 
only  recognised  in  the  comparatively  modern  centu- 
ries, when  the  manuscripts,  as  just  indicated  never 


28 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


very  ample,  had  long  disappeared.  The  Genizah  opens 
a new  mine  in  this  direction,  too,  and  the  number  of 
fragments  of  the  Jerusalem  Talmud  increasing  daily, 
also  amounting  to  a goodly  volume,  will  doubtless 
be  published  by  some  student  in  due  time. 

Where  the  Genizah  promises  the  largest  output  is 
in  the  department  of  history,  especially  the  period 
intervening  between  the  birth  of  Saadya  (892)  and 
the  death  of  Maimonides  (1205).  This  period,  which 
gave  birth  to  the  greatest  of  the  Eminences  (Gaonim), 
Rabbi  Saadya,  Rabbi  Sherira,  and  Rabbi  Hai,  which 
witnessed  the  hottest  controversies  between  the  Rab- 
binites  and  the  Karaites  and  other  schismatics,  and 
which  saw  the  disintegration  of  the  great  old  schools 
in  Babylon,  and  the  creation  of  new  centres  for  the 
study  of  the  Torah  in  Europe  and  in  Northern  Africa, 
forms,  as  is  well  known,  one  of  the  most  important 
chapters  in  Jewish  history.  But  this  chapter  will  now 
have  to  be  re-written  ; any  number  of  conveyances, 
leases,  bills,  and  private  letters  are  constantly  turning 
up,  thus  affording  us  a better  insight  into  the  social 
life  of  the  Jews  during  those  remote  centuries.  New 
letters  from  the  Eminences  addressed  to  their  contem- 
poraries, scattered  over  various  countries,  are  daily 
coming  to  light,  and  will  form  an  important  addition 
to  the  Responsa  literature  of  the  Gaonim.  Even  entire 
new  books  or  fragments  of  such,  composed  by  the 
Gaonim,  and  only  known  by  references  have  been 
discovered.  Of  more  significance  are  such  documents 


A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 


29 


as  those  bearing  on  the  controversy  between  Rabbi 
Saadya  and  his  contemporary  Ben  Me'ir,  the  head  of 
the  Jews  in  Palestine,  which  prove  that  even  at 
that  time  the  question  of  authority  over  the  whole  of 
Jewry,  and  of  the  prerogative  of  fixing  the  calendar, 
was  still  a contested  point  between  the  Jews  of  Pales- 
tine and  their  brethren  in  the  dispersion.  The  con- 
troversy was  a bitter  one  and  of  long  duration,  as 
may  be  seen  from  another  document  dating  from  the 
Eleventh  Century,  the  Scroll  of  Abiathar,  which,  at 
the  same  time,  reveals  the  significant  fact  that  the 
antagonism  between  the  Priestly  and  the  Kingly,  or 
the  Aaronide  and  Davidic  families,  had  not  quite  died 
down  even  at  this  late  period.  Some  of  the  docu- 
ments are  autograph.  It  is  enough  to  mention  here 
the  letter  of  Chushiel  ben  Elhanan  (or  Hananel) 
of  Kairowan,  addressed  to  Shemariah  ben  Elhanan 
of  Egypt,  written  about  the  year  1000.  To  these  two 
Rabbis,  legend  attributes  a large  share  in  the  trans- 
planting of  the  Torah  in  Northern  Africa,  so  that  our 
document  will  prove  an  important  contribution  to 
the  history  of  the  rise  of  the  Yeshiboth  outside  of 
Babylon. 

Looking  over  this  enormous  mass  of  fragments 
about  me,  in  the  sifting  and  examination  of  which  I 
am  now  occupied,  I cannot  overcome  a sad  feeling  steal- 
ing over  me,  that  I shall  hardly  be  worthy  to  see  all  the 
results  which  the  Genizah  will  add  to  our  knowledge 
of  Jews  and  Judaism.  The  work  is  not  for  one  man 


3° 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


and  not  for  one  generation.  It  will  occupy  many  a 
specialist,  and  much  longer  than  a lifetime.  How- 
ever, to  use  an  old  adage,  “ It  is  not  thy  duty  to  com- 
plete the  work,  but  neither  art  thou  free  to  desist 
from  it.” 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE1 


There  is  a saying  of  an  old  Hebrew  sage,  “In  a 
place  where  one  is  unknown,  one  is  permitted  to  say, 
I am  a scholar.”  Now  I am,  I fear,  neither  so  hum- 
ble as  to  think  myself  quite  a persona  ignota,  nor  am 
I,  I trust,  so  arrogant  as  to  claim,  in  the  presence  of 
so  learned  an  audience,  a title  to  deserve  which  I 
have  still  to  do  my  life’s  work.  But  being  about  to 
express  opinions  not  quite  in  harmony  with  current 
views,  I shall  avail  myself  of  this  license  so  far  as  to 
say  what  I am  not : I am  no  partisan,  I hold  no  brief 
for  a particular  school,  and  I have  no  cause  to 
defend.  Such  a declaration,  which  would  be  entirely 
out  of  place  in  any  other  branch  of  human  knowl- 
edge, is  unfortunately  still  necessary  in  view  of  the 
particular  nature  of  the  subject  which,  by  the  courtesy 
of  the  Council  and  the  Senate  of  the  college,  it  will 
be  my  privilege  to  expound.  My  subject  is  the 
Hebrew  language ; and  the  means  of  acquiring  it  are  the 
same  as  make  for  proficiency  in  any  other  language — 
sound  knowledge  of  its  grammar,  wide  acquaintance 
with  its  vocabulary,  and,  above  all,  real  familiarity 
with  its  literature ; for  it  is  in  the  literature  that  the 
spirit  still  surviveth,  even  in  the  so-called  dead  lan- 
guages. But  the  literature  by  which  the  Hebrew 
language  is  represented  is  a sacred  literature ; a litera- 
ture which  by  common  consent  of  the  civilised  world 


32 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


bears  the  name  of  a Testament.  As  such,  every  line 
in  it  claims  to  bear  testimony  to  some  eternal  truth, 
to  convey  some  moral  lesson,  and  reveal  some  awful 
mystery.  The  very  first  text  (Genesis)  on  which  I 
shall  have  to  lecture  gives  us  an  account  of  the  Crea- 
tion, whilst  the  verse,  “And  God  created  man  in  his 
own  image,”  has  kept  busy  pulpit  and  brush  for 
nearly  twenty  centuries,  and  another  twenty  centuries 
may  pass  before  humanity  gets  into  possession  of  its 
sacred  and  secret  dossier.  However,  this  is  the 
province  of  the  artist  and  the  preacher.  But  even  in 
the  region  of  mere  exegesis  we  are  confronted  with 
two  important  theological  schools — I say  advisedly, 
theological  schools. 

For,  in  spite  of  all  professions  of  impartiality  and 
freedom  from  prejudice,  each  school  has  its  own  theo- 
logical standpoint  which  greatly  affects  even  its  ety- 
mology. To  give  one  instance:  According  to  Well- 
hausen,  the  word  Torah  (min)  meant  originally  the 
thing  thrown  or  cast,  a term  borrowed  from  the  lots  or 
stones  cast  by  the  priests  for  the  purpose  of  deciding 
difficult  cases.  On  the  other  hand,  the  pure  philolo- 
gist Barth  derives  it  in  his  Etymologische  Studien  from 
a root  still  extant  in  Arabic,  denoting  “the  thing  re- 
ported,” or  “come  down  by  tradition,”  and  proceeds 
to  say,  “Thus  Wellhausen’s  hypothesis  is  not  con- 
firmed.”2 But  Wellhausen’s  hypothesis  is  somehow 
strangely  in  harmony  with  Wellhausen’s  conception 
of  the  law,  which  thus  would  originate  in  a sort  of 
priestly  fetich. 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


33 


However,  this  is  a minor  point.  More  serious  is 
the  question  as  to  the  dates  at  which  the  various 
books  and  documents  of  which  the  Old  Testament  is 
made  up,  were  composed.  When  I speak  of  the  old 
school,  I do  not  refer  to  the  class  of  commentators 
represented  by  Doctor  Pusey  in  England  and  Profes- 
sor Hengstenberg  in  Germany.  I am  rather  thinking 
of  the  school  led  by  Ewald,  Bleek,  Dillmann,  Strack, 
Kittel,  and  many  other  men  of  prominence,  none  of 
whom  could  be  suspected  of  being  blind  followers  of 
tradition.  They  all  accepted  the  heterogeneous  com- 
position of  the  Pentateuch,  and  cheerfully  took  part 
in  the  difficult  task  of  its  proper  analysis.  In  fact, 
few  scholars  have  contributed  more  toward  this  analy- 
sis than  Dillmann.  And  even  a superficial  acquaint- 
ance with  their  works  shows  that  not  a single 
tradition  was  allowed  by  them  to  stand,  in  which 
anything  that  might  be  construed  as  an  anachronism 
could  be  detected.  When  we  consider  that  this 
school  has  furnished  us  with  grammarians,  lexico- 
graphers, and  general  Semitic  scholars  at  least  as 
eminent  as  those  of  the  new  school,  we  shall  at  once 
perceive  that  the  arguments  for  settling  the  dates  of 
the  various  documents  cannot  possibly  have  been 
evolved  on  merely  philological  lines.  Theological 
considerations  as  to  the  nature  of  inspiration  and  the 
real  functions  of  religion,  metaphysical  speculations 
as  to  the  meaning  and  the  laws  of  progression  and 
development  in  history,  and,  above  all,  the  question 
as  to  the  compatibility  of  a real  living  faith  with  a 


34 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


hearty  devotion  to  the  ceremonial  law,  play  at  least 
an  equal  part  therein.  To  a certain  extent  it  was  the 
supposed  antagonism  between  religion  as  a social 
institution,  and  religion  as  a matter  personal  and 
inward,  which,  on  the  one  hand,  turned  post-exilic 
Judaism  into  a sort  of  “ revival  camp”  with  the  whole 
of  the  community  on  the  mourners’  bench,  and,  on 
the  other  hand,  converted  the  greatest  collection  of 
religious  lyrics  into  a mere  hymn-book,  reflecting,  not 
the  aspirations  and  longings  of  the  individual,  but  the 
corporate  utterances  of  the  community. 

Having  to  lecture  on  these  sacred  documents,  I 
may  perhaps  be  expected  to  take  part  in  this  contro- 
versy. In  fact,  I have  already  been  asked  the  old 
question,  “Art  thou  for  us  or  for  our  adversaries?” 

I will,  therefore,  declare  beforehand  that,  far  from 
being  the  mouthpiece  of  a single  school,  I shall, 
when  necessary,  try  to  do  justice  to  both,  so  far  as  I 
understand  them.  At  the  same  time,  however,  I 
shall  beg  leave  to  maintain  a sceptical  attitude  toward 
both  schools,  which  will  enable  me  to  preserve  my 
freedom  of  judgment.  I say,  when  necessary,  for,  as 
a rule,  literary  criticism  will  be  my  province,  and  I 
shall  not  easily  be  drawn  into  the  discussion  of  ques- 
tions in  the  settling  of  which  theology  and  metaphys- 
ics occupy  a more  prominent  part  than  philology  and 
exegesis. 

In  adopting  this  course,  I am  guided  by  the  follow- 
ing reasons .-  First,  as  I understand,  the  traditions  of 
the  University  College  of  London  have  always  tended 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


35 


to  exclude  all  controversial  matter  which  cannot  well 
be  discussed  without  a certain  theological  bias.  The 
fact  that  we  now  conjure  with  the  names  of  the  neo- 
Platonist  Schleiermacher  and  the  Hegelian  Watke,  in- 
stead of  appealing  to  the  authority  of  Thomas  Aquinas 
and  Albertus  Magnus,  has  by  no  means  cooled  down 
our  theological  temperature.  As  in  days  of  old,  theolo- 
gical controversies  are  still  wanting  in  “sweet  reason- 
ableness,” and  should,  therefore,  receive  no  encourage- 
ment from  a teacher. 

Another  reason  for  reducing  these  discussions  to  a 
minimum  is  economy.  The  old  saying,  “Art  is  long, 
and  Life  is  short,”  is  to  no  subject  more  applicable 
than  to  the  study  of  Hebrew.  It  is  a strange  world, 
both  in  language  and  in  thought,  quite  bewildering  for 
the  beginner.  It  has  practically  no  vowel-system ; at 
least,  not  one  which  is  perceivable  to  the  European 
eye.  The  tiny  little  signs  above  and  below  the  line 
proved  a stumbling-block  to  a Goethe,  and  he 
gave  up  the  study  of  Hebrew  in  despair.  Yet  how 
much  depends  on  correct  vocalisation.  To  give  an 
example  of  a somewhat  general  character,  I will  only 
mention  here  two  combinations  of  the  letters  Yod, 
Zadi,  and  Rcsh.  Read  Yozer,  it  means  “he  who  forms, 
who  fashions,  who  creates,”  hence  “creator.”  Read 
Yezer,  it  denotes  “frame,  formation,  imagination,  de- 
sire, evil  desire,”  developing  gradually,  in  the  later 
Hebrew  literature,  into  the  mysterious,  unspeakable 
angel  we  know  so  well  from  Milton’s  “Paradise  Lost.” 
Hence  the  exclamation  of  a Rabbi  in  referring  to  the 


36 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


great  dualism  of  flesh  and  spirit  under  which  man  is 
constantly  labouring:  “Woe  unto  me  of  my  Yezer,  and 
woe  unto  me  of  my  Yozer”3  On  the  other  hand,  the 
normal  span  of  our  academic  life  extends  over  the 
short  period  of  nine  terms,  some  eighteen  months  in 
all.  Considering  now  how  little  preparation  the  stu- 
dent receives  for  this  branch  of  study  in  the  schools 
leading  up  to  the  University,  it  is  evident  that  there  is 
no  time  to  spare  for  discussions  lying  beyond  the 
sphere  of  grammar  and  literary  criticism.  The  temp- 
tation to  indulge  in  theology  and  metaphysical  recon- 
structions of  history  is  very  great,  indeed,  but  it  must 
be  resisted  at  this  stage  of  the  student’s  new  life. 

It  may,  perhaps,  be  objected,  that  in  the  majority  of 
cases  the  student  of  Hebrew  is  less  intent  upon  ac- 
quiring the  knowledge  of  a Semitic  language  than 
upon  gaining  a fair  acquaintance  with  the  contents  of 
the  sacred  volume.  But  I am  inclined  to  think  that 
even  with  this  purpose  in  view  I shall  be  more  helpful 
to  the  student  by  lecturing  on  the  Bible  than  by  lec- 
turing about  the  Bible.  For  the  great  fact  remains 
that  the  best  commentary  on  the  Bible  is  the  Bible  it- 
self. I remember  to  have  read  somewhere  that  the 
best  commentary  on  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount  is 
Lord  Tennyson’s  “ In  Memoriam.”  This  is,  I am 
afraid,  a pompous  platitude.  But  I think  that  every 
student  will  agree  with  me  that,  for  instance,  the  best 
exposition  of  the  “ Priestly  Code  ” is  to  be  found  in 
Ezekiel,  that  the  most  lucid  interpretation  of  Isaiah  is 
to  be  sought  in  certain  portions  of  the  Psalms,  and  that, 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


37 


if  we  were  to  look  for  an  illustration  of  the  ideals  of 
the  Book  of  Deuteronomy,  we  could  do  no  better  than 
study  the  Books  of  Chronicles  and  certain  groups  of 
the  Psalms.  To  use  a quaint  old  expression  applied 
to  Scripture:  “Turn  it  and  turn  it  over  again,  for  the 
All  is  therein,”  both  its  criticism  and  its  history. 
Introductions  to  the  Old  Testament,  Lives  and  Times 
of  the  various  prophets,  and  histories  of  the  Canon,  are 
excellent  things  in  their  own  way;  but  unless  we  are 
prepared  to  exchange  the  older  blind  faith  for  the  newer 
parrot-like  repetitions  of  obscure  critical  terms,  they 
should  not  be  read,  and,  indeed,  cannot  be  read  with 
profit,  before  we  have  made  ourselves  masters  of  the 
twenty-four  books  of  the  Old  Testament  in  the  original. 

This,  I should  think,  is  an  obvious  truth,  nay,  a 
truism.  Still,  I am  glad  to  have  the  opportunity  to 
utter  it  for  once.  The  dread  of  partiality  for  the 
Massoretic  text  is  so  great  in  certain  circles  that  the 
notion  seems  to  gain  ground  that  the  best  qualification 
for  writing  on  the  Old  Testament  is  ignorance  of  He- 
brew. Thus  we  are  brought  face  to  face  with  the 
multitude  of  books,  essays,  and  articles  on  Biblical  sub- 
jects by  authors  who  freely  confess,  if  not  boast  of,  the 
fact  that  they  know  the  Old  Testament  only  through 
the  medium  of  versions,  but  still  insist  on  their  ability  to 
judge  upon  the  gravest  questions  of  dates  and  author- 
ship. Translations,  some  author  has  remarked,  are 
the  structures  with  which  a kind  Providence  has  over- 
bridged the  deeps  of  human  thought  caused  by  the 
division  of  tongues  at  the  Tower  of  Babel.  The  re- 


38 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


mark  is  as  humble  in  spirit  as  it  is  prudent  in  practice. 
It  is  certainly  safer  to  walk  over  the  bridge  than  to 
swim  the  flood.  But  in  this  case  we  must  be  satisfied 
not  to  express  opinions  about  the  nature  of  the  river, 
its  various  currents  and  under-currents,  its  depths  and 
shallows,  and  the  original  formation  of  its  bed.  To 
form  a judgment  on  these  and  similar  points,  one  must 
learn  to  swim  and  dive,  nay,  one  must  immerse  him- 
self in  the  very  element  against  whose  touch  the  bridge 
was  meant  to  protect  him.  To  use  a New  Testament 
proverb,  “Wisdom  is  justified  of  her  children,”  or,  as 
the  Rabbis  would  have  put  it,  “the  sons  of  the  Torah.” 
But  the  first  duty  which  the  loyal  son  performs  to- 
ward his  mother,  is  to  make  her  language  his  own, 
so  that  he  may  dispense  with  interpreter  and  dictionary, 
and  patiently  listen  to  her  tale  from  her  own  lips,  told 
in  her  own  way.  She  may  not  be  always  inclined  to- 
ward humiliating  confessions  ; but  a single  gesture,  a 
single  turn  of  phrase,  a sudden  stammering  where  flow 
of  speech  is  expected,  and  a certain  awkwardness  of 
expression,  will  at  once  reveal  the  critical  points  in  her 
story.  To  learn  her  story  through  the  medium  of 
versions  and  introductions,  means  at  best  to  rely  on 
neighbourly  gossip,  which,  however  interesting  and 
friendly,  is  never  free  from  exaggerations  and  conven- 
tional phrases.  It  is  only  the  knowledge  of  the 
original  mother-story  which  enables  us  to  detect  the 
elements  of  truth  this  gossip  may  contain. 

I will,  however,  confess  that  it  was  neither  mere 
deference  to  the  liberal  traditions  of  this  learned  Soci- 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


39 


et y,  nor  even  considerations  of  economy,  which  were 
decisive  with  me  in  adopting  the  course  I have  just 
pointed  out.  These  reasons  are  weighty  enough,  but 
they  would  hardly  justify  me  in  assuming  the  scepti- 
cal position  I intend  to  maintain.  In  fact,  nothing  is 
more  distressing  to  my  mind  than  that  mental  squint- 
ing which  finds  permanent  doubt  the  only  point  on 
which  it  can  rest.  The  force  of  circumstances  is, 
however,  too  strong  for  me.  For  I am  convinced 
that,  at  present  at  least,  there  is  little  positive  truth  to 
state  on  the  great  questions  at  issue  between  the  vari- 
ous schools  of  Bible  criticism. 

That  tradition  cannot  be  maintained  in  all  its  state- 
ments need  not  be  denied.  The  Second  Isaiah,  for 
instance,  is  a fact ; not  less  a fact  is  it  that  Solomon 
cannot  be  held  responsible  for  the  scepticism  of  the 
Book  of  Ecclesiastes,  nor  can  David  claim  the  author- 
ship of  the  whole  of  the  Psalms  for  himself.  The 
question  at  present,  however,  is  not  as  it  was  with  the 
older  schools,  whether  tradition  was  not  possibly  mis- 
taken in  this  or  that  respect,  but  whether  it  contains 
elements  of  truth  at  all.  For  instance,  had  Moses, 
if  ever  there  existed  such  a person,  any  connexion 
with  that  series  of  books  known  as  “the  Torah  of 
Moses?”  The  existence  of  King  David  is  still  un- 
challenged, but  did  he  write  or,  considering  the  pecu- 
liar religious  circumstances  of  the  age,  could  he,  or 
even  his  contemporaries  and  successors  for  the  next 
four  centuries,  have  written  a single  hymn  of  the  col- 
lection which  tradition  attributes  to  him  ? The 


40 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


answers  given  by  the  modern  school  to  these  and 
similar  questions  are  mostly  in  the  negative.  But  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  its  reconstruction  of  the  his- 
tory of  Israel,  as  well  as  its  re-arrangement  of  the 
documents  included  in  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment have  obtained  that  degree  of  certainty  which 
would  justify  a teacher  in  communicating  them  to  his 
pupils  without  constantly  accompanying  his  remarks 
by  a note  of  interrogation. 

In  questioning  the  results  of  this  school,  I may 
premise  that  I am  in  no  way  opposed  to  criticism. 
Criticism  is  nothing  more  than  the  expression  of  con- 
science on  the  part  of  the  student,  and  we  can  as  little 
dispense  with  it  in  literature  as  with  common  honesty 
in  our  dealings  with  our  fellow-men.  Nor,  I trust, 
have  I ever  given  way  to  anybody  in  my  respect  for 
most  of  the  leaders  of  the  various  schools  of  Bible 
criticism,  Lower  as  well  as  Higher.  The  attempt  at 
an  analysis  of  the  Bible  into  component  elements, 
whether  one  agrees  with  its  results  or  assumes 
a sceptical  attitude  towards  them,  is  one  of  the 
finest  intellectual  feats  of  this  century ; though  a good 
deal  of  brutal  vivisection  is  daily  done  by  restless 
spirits  whose  sole  ambition  is  to  outdo  their  masters. 
This,  however,  is  not  the  fault  of  the  masters.  No 
student  can  read  a page  of  Kuenen’s  Historisch- 
Kritisclie  Einleitung , to  the  Old  Testament,  without 
doing  homage  to  his  genius  as  a critic  and  admiring 
his  patient  research  and  single-hearted  devotion  to 
what  he  considered  to  be  the  truth.  But,  as  some- 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


4i 


body  has  remarked,  if  tradition  is  not  infallible,  neither 
are  any  of  its  critics. 

The  difficulties  presenting  themselves  on  both  sides 
may  perhaps  be  summed  up  thus:  Whilst  Tradition 
knows  too  much  of  the  earlier  and  earliest  history  of 
Israel,  our  modern  schools  are  too  prolific  of  their 
information  as  to  the  later  history  of  Israel,  that  is,  the 
greater  part  of  what  is  known  as  the  Persian-Greek 
period.  You  will  at  once  realise  this  peculiar  distri- 
bution of  knowledge  and  ignorance,  if  you  compare 
two  chronological  tables,  the  one  appended  to  a Bible 
which  appeared  in  1866,  and  the  other  incorporated 
in  the  second  volume  of  Kautzsch’s  Die  lieilige  Schrifl, 
published  in  1894.  The  former  is  most  complete  in 
its  record  of  events  said  to  have  taken  place  before 
1088  b.  c.  e.,  and  is  almost  one  large  blank  after  450 
b.  c.  E.  In  the  latter  the  very  opposite  is  the  case, 
the  blank  being  transferred  to  the  first  thousand  years 
of  Israel’s  history,  whilst  the  Persian-Greek  period 
teems  with  historical  events  and,  in  particular,  with 
the  chronology  of  the  composition  of  various  canonical 
writings.  In  the  Rabbinic  literature,  as  is  well  known, 
the  whole  duration  of  the  Persian  empire  as  contem- 
porary with  the  Second  Temple  shrank  to  some  fifty- 
two  years.  This,  as  I hardly  need  say,  is  question- 
able chronology.  But  it  is  wise  scepticism  worthy  of 
recommendation,  implying,  as  it  does,  a confession  of 
ignorance  about  a period  of  which  we  know  so  little. 

Modern  learning  has  thus,  with  its  characteristic 
horror  vaciii , peopled  these  very  centuries  with 


42 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


lawgivers,  prophets,  psalmists,  and  apocalypse  writers ; 
but  every  student  will,  I think,  readily  admit  that 
there  is  still  many  an  obscure  point  to  be  cleared  up. 
For  instance,  the  exact  number  of  the  Maccabaean 
Psalms,  which  is  constantly  shifting ; the  exact  date 
of  the  composition  of  the  Book  of  Ecclesiastes,  which 
is  still  a mere  guess;  the  causes  leading  to  the  con- 
clusion of  the  so-called  second  canon ; the  precise 
nature  of  the  work  of  creating  new  canons  and  some 
clear  definition  of  the  authority  of  the  men  who  pre- 
sumed to  execute  this  delicate  task.  Again,  most  of  the 
theories  advanced  as  to  the  date  and  the  authorship  of 
the  group  of  Psalms  assigned  to  the  third  century,  of 
the  Song  of  Songs,  and  of  the  Book  of  Ruth,  are,  to 
use  a Talmudic  expression,  “ mountains  suspended  on 
a hair,”  and  are  in  no  way  better  than  those  they  are 
meant  to  replace.  Altogether,  the  period  looks  to  me 
rather  over-populated,  and  I begin  to  get  anxious  about 
the  accommodations  of  the  Synagogue,  or,  rather,  the 
“ House  of  Interpretation  ” (Beth  ha- Midrash ),  which 
was  not  a mere  Bamah,  but  a thing  of  moment  in  the 
religious  life  of  those  times.  In  its  service  were  enlisted 
whole  assemblies  of  men,  whom  neither  the  apergus  of 
a Wellhausen,  nor  the  really  learned  researches  of  a 
Kuenen,  can  argue  out  of  existence,  and  whose  humble 
activity  consisted  in  interpreting  the  law,  raising  up 
many  disciples,  and  making  “fences ” round  the  Torah. 
But  there  is  scarcely  breathing-space  left  for  such  men 
as  these  in  an  ambitious  age  that  was  absolutely  bent 
on  smuggling  its  own  productions  into  the  Scriptures. 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


43 


Now,  neither  hypothesis  of  the  rise  of  the  Canon 
— that  given  by  tradition  and  that  afforded  by  the 
new  school — is  quite  free  from  difficulties  and  improb- 
able assumptions.  I cannot  here  enter  into  details, 
and  must  refer  you  to  Kittel’s  “ Introduction,”  which 
seems  to  me  to  be  a fair  exposition  of  the  question 
on  both  sides.  But  I may  be  allowed  to  make  one 
general  remark,  and  that  is,  that  there  is  no  period  in 
Jewish  history  which  is  so  entirely  obscure  as  the 
period  extending  from  about  450  to  150  b.  c.  e.  All 
that  is  left  us  from  those  ages  are  a few  meagre  notices 
by  Josephus,  which  do  not  seem  to  be  above  doubt, 
and  a few  bare  names  in  the  Books  of  Chronicles  of 
persons  who  hardly  left  any  mark  on  the  history  of 
the  times.  One  gets  rather  suspicious  of  a hypothe- 
sis with  powers  of  vision  which  seem  to  grow  in  pro- 
portion to  the  increasing  darkness  surrounding  an 
age.  More  light  is  wanted. 

This  light  promises  now  to  come  from  the  dis- 
coveries made  within  the  last  few  years.  I am  refer- 
ring to  the  discovery  of  the  original  Hebrew  of  the 
apocryphal  work,  “The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira,”  or,  as 
it  is  commonly  called,  “ Ecclesiasticus,”  in  contradis- 
tinction to  Ecclesiastes. 

There  is  no  need  to  enlarge  on  the  importance 
of  this  work  for  the  Biblical  student.  It  is  sufficient 
to  remind  you  of  two  facts  : first,  that  it  is  the  only 
Jewish  literary  production  that  has  come  down  to  us 
from  those  “ dark  ages  ” which  can  boast  of  something 
like  a date.  As  you  can  see  in  the  various  Introduc- 


44 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


tions  to  the  Apocrypha,  scholars  are  not  quite  unani- 
mous as  to  this  date.  But  it  is  certain  that  it  cannot 
be  placed  before  about  280  b.  c.  e.,  nor  much  later  than 
200  b.  c.  e.  The  second  fact  which  I wish  to  recall 
to  your  minds  is  that  the  modern  school  has  placed 
the  greatest  part  of  the  Kethubim,  or  the  Hagiographa, 
at  just  about  those  dates.  A great  part,  again,  of  the 
Psalms  has  been  placed  after  those  dates,  namely,  in  the 
Maccabaean  age.  The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira  was  writ- 
ten in  Hebrew,  and  would  thus  have  furnished  us  with 
an  excellent  test  of  the  mode  of  thinking  as  well  as  of 
the  language  and  style  of  the  period  in  question.  But 
the  original  unfortunately  disappeared  for  many  centu- 
ries. To  my  knowledge,  Samuel  David  Luzzatto  was 
the  first  to  enlist  the  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira  in  the  service 
of  Bible  criticism.  Judging  from  the  few  quotations 
from  Ben  Sira  given  in  the  Talmud,  he  was  led  to  the 
belief  that  this  apocryphal  work  was  written  in  New- 
Hebrew,  the  dialect  in  which  the  Mishnah  and  cognate 
Rabbinic  works  were  compiled.  This  being  the  stage 
of  the  language  about  200  B.  c.  e.,  it  follows  that  the 
Maccabaean  age  could  not  have  produced  Psalms  com- 
posed in  the  best  classical  style  of  an  earlier  age. 
Even  more  cogent  was  the  argument  of  Professor  Ehrt, 
who  undertook  to  prove  that  Ben  Sira  had  made  use 
of  Psalms  supposed  by  the  modern  school  to  date  from 
the  Maccabaean  age.  He  was  silenced  by  the  strange 
answer  that  his  evidence  had  to  be  sifted.  Perhaps 
what  was  meant  was,  that  only  the  original  of  a work 
could  enable  us  to  see  how  far  and  how  much  the 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


45 


author  copied  from  other  works.  But  the  original 
was  then  considered  as  lost  for  ever.  The  last  Chris- 
tian who  made  mention  of  it  was  St.  Jerome  in  the 
fourth  century.  One  of  the  last  Jews  who  stated  that 
he  had  seen  it  was  the  Gaon  R.  Saadya,  who  died  in  942. 
The  unexpected,  however,  came  to  pass  on  May  13, 
1896,  when  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  discover, 
among  the  Hebrew  and  Arabic  fragments  which  Mrs. 
Lewis  and  Mrs.  Gibson  acquired  on  their  travels  through 
the  East,  a leaf  of  the  original  Hebrew  of  Ecclesiasticus, 
Subsequently  more  discoveries  suggested  by  my  de- 
scription of  the  discovered  leaf  were  made,  in  Oxford, 
in  Cambridge,  and  elsewhere.  Of  the  Lewis-Gibson 
Fragment,  together  with  the  fragments  deposited  now 
in  the  Bodleian  Library,  there  exist  at  present  six 
editions : one  by  English  scholars,  two  by  German 
professors,  two  more  by  French  savants , and  one  by  a 
Russian  student.  The  editio  princeps  of  the  first  find 
was  published  in  the  July  number  of  “The  Expositor,” 
in  1896.  Of  the  Cambridge  Fragments,  covering  a 
much  larger  ground  than  the  fragments  already  made 
known,  one  leaf  only  was  edited  in  “ The  Jewish 
Quarterly  Review”  of  January,  1898,  under  the 
heading  of  “Genizah  Specimens.”  The  remaining 
leaves  will  shortly  be  published  by  the  University 
Press  of  Cambridge.4 

These  discoveries  when  put  together  restore  to  us 
about  twenty-five  chapters  of  the  original  Hebrew  of 
the  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira,  or  about  half  of  the  whole 
book,  consisting  of  fifty-one  chapters.  We  are  thus 


46 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


in  a position  now  to  form  a fair  judgment  of  the  state 
of  the  Hebrew  language  about  200  b.  c.  e.,  or,  it  may 
be,  280  b.  c.  e.,  as  well  as  of  the  standard  of  author- 
ship in  that  age.  I am  bound  to  say  that  this  judg- 
ment is  not  flattering  to  our  omniscience.  I say  it 
with  a certain  amount  of  regret,  as  for  a goodly  num- 
ber of  years  I was  an  ardent  believer  in  the  possibility 
of  Maccabaean  Psalms,  an  hypothesis  on  which  I built 
great  hopes.  This  is  a great  disappointment  to  me. 
Alas,  there  is  no  insurance  office  in  which  students 
can  insure  theories  against  the  dangers  resulting  from 
unexpected  discoveries  and  fresh  excavations.  I must 
reluctantly  submit  to  a “total  loss”  of  my  hypothesis. 

As  regards  the  Ben  Sira  discoveries,  to  begin  with 
a concrete  example,  I will  mention  the  case  of  the  Book 
of  Job.  The  theories  regarding  the  age  in  which  this 
book  was  composed  range  at  present  from  about  1320 
to  about  200  B.  c.  E.  With  that  singular  capacity 
for  blundering  which  distinguishes  the  Greek  trans- 
lators, the  name  of  Job  was  omitted  from  th#  list  of 
the  heroes  of  Israel’s  past  whom  Ben  Sira  praises  in 
his  Hymnus  Patrum , and  some  bolder  spirits  conse- 
quently felt  themselves  at  liberty  to  make  the  writer 
of  Job  nearly  a contemporary  of  Ben  Sira.  The  re- 
stored original  Hebrew  proves  that  the  Greek  trans- 
lator mistook  Iyob , the  name  of  the  hero  of  the  Book 
of  Job,  for  Oyeb , meaning  enemy.  The  Greek  runs 
thus:  “For,  verily,  he  remembered  the  enemies  in  the 
storm,”  whilst  the  Hebrew  reads,  “Also  he  made  men- 
tion of  Job,”  a point  to  which  several  scholars,  among 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


47 


them  Joseph  Halevy,  have  drawn  the  attention  of  stu- 
dents. But  Ben  Sira  knew  more;  he  was,  in  fact, 
thoroughly  familiar  with  the  contents  of  the  Book  of 
Job.  His  whole  cosmography  is  based  on  the  last 
chapters  of  the  Book  of  Job,  from  which  he  copied 
various  passages. 

As  to  the  language  and  the  style  of  Ben  Sira,  it  is 
true  that  certain  portions  of  the  book,  especially  the 
j ust  mentioned  Hymnus  Patruin,  are  written  mostly  in 
classical  Hebrew.  A careful  analysis,  however,  will 
show  that  they  are  at  best  nothing  more  than  a series 
of  quotations  from  the  canonical  writings,  joining  verse 
to  verse  and  phrase  to  phrase,  all  alike  copied  from 
the  Bible.  In  other  words  Ben  Sira  was,  like  so 
many  post-Biblical  writers,  an  imitator  of  the  Old 
Testament  both  in  form  and  in  matter;  his  model  for 
the  former  being  the  whole  of  the  Old  Testament, 
whilst  the  matter  is,  as  far  as  the  gnomic  part  is  con- 
cerned, generally  borrowed  from  the  Book  of  Proverbs. 

But  like  all  imitators  he  was  not  always  on  his 
guard,  and,  in  careless  moments,  terms,  expressions, 
and  idioms  escaped  him  which  make  it  sufficiently 
clear  that  in  his  time  the  New- Hebrew  dialect,  both 
in  respect  of  grammar  and  of  phraseology,  had  reached 
its  highest  development.  What  is  even  more  to  our 
present  purpose,  is  the  fact,  rendered  certain  by  the 
original  Hebrew,  that  Ben  Sira  was  acquainted  with 
the  Psalter  in  all  its  parts,  those  ascribed  to  the  Per- 
sian period  as  well  as  those  ascribed  to  the  Macca- 
baean  and  post-Maccabaean  ages.  He  copies  freely 


48 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


from  them,  in  some  cases  he  borrows  whole  verses, 
though,  quite  in  the  fashion  of  the  Rabbis,  he  is  rather 
too  liberal  in  their  application. 

It  would  prove  tedious  to  enter  into  an  analysis  of 
the  Book  of  Ben  Sira.  This  could  not  be  done  with- 
out giving  complete  lists  of  words,  phrases,  and 
idioms,  amounting  to  many  hundreds,  but  absolutely 
meaningless  when  disjoined  from  their  context.  I 
may,  however,  be  permitted  to  reproduce  a few  verses 
from  a hymn  of  Ben  Sira  which,  echoing  as  it  does 
the  time  in  which  it  was  written,  lends  itself  best  to 
consideration. 

They  are  thus : 

1.  O give  thanks  unto  the  Lord,  for  he  is  good  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

2.  O give  thanks  unto  the  God  of  praises  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

3.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  is  the  guardian  of  Israel ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

4.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  created  all ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

5.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  redeemeth  Israel ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

6.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  gathereth  the  outcasts  of 

Israel ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

7.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  buildeth  his  city  and  his 

sanctuary  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

8.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  maketh  a horn  to  bud  to 

the  house  of  David  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


49 


9.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  chose  the  sons  of  Zadok 
to  be  priests  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

10.  O give  thanks  unto  the  Shield  of  Abraham ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

ix.  O give  thanks  unto  the  Rock  of  Isaac ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

12.  O give  thanks  unto  the  Mighty  One  of  Jacob  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

!3.  O give  thanks  unto  him  that  chose  Zion  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

14.  O give  thanks  unto  the  King  of  kings  of  kings  ; 

For  his  mercy  endureth  for  ever. 

15.  And  also  exalteth  the  horn  for  his  people,  a praise  for 

all  his  saints ; 

Even  to  the  children  of  Israel,  a people  near  unto  him. 
Praise  ye  the  Lord.  (5i:i2i-i2»5). 

It  is  important  to  notice  that  the  hymn  is  omitted 
in  all  the  versions.  The  reason  for  its  omission  by 
the  Greek  translator  can  be  easily  found.  Living  at 
a time  when  the  house  of  Zadok  was  already  super- 
seded by  the  Maccabaean  line,  the  grandson  of  Ben 
Sira  recoiled  from  publishing  a hymn  which  claimed 
that  the  pm  ’33  (Sons  of  Zadok)  were  specially  se- 
lected for  the  priesthood.  But  it  is  this  very  promi- 
nence given  to  the  house  of  Zadok  which  establishes 
its  authenticity.  For,  after  the  unworthy  part  played 
by  the  high  priests  of  the  house  of  Zadok  during  the 
Hellenistic  troubles,  it  is  highly  improbable  that  any 
pious  Jew — as  the  author  of  this  hymn  evidently  was — 
would  feel  so  enthusiastic  about  this  family,  that  their 
continuation  in  the  sacred  office  would  form  the 
special  topic  of  his  thanksgiving  to  God.  Such 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


.So 


enthusiasm  could  have  been  displayed  only  by  one 
who  knew  the  best  of  the  Zadokides,  namely  Simon 
the  Just,  and  who  prayed  so  fervently  for  the  perpetu- 
ation of  God’s  grace  upon  the  high  priest  and  his 
children,  that  is,  Ben  Sira  himself. 

The  model  on  which  this  hymn  is  formed  is,  as  I 
hardly  need  say,  Psalm  136.  It  is  strongly  reminis- 
cent of  certain  passages  in  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and 
Zechariah.  The  last  verse  is  directly  copied  from 
Psalm  148:  14.  But  though  Psalm-like  in  form,  it  is 
liturgical  in  spirit.  And  students  of  the  Jewish 
prayer-book  will  at  once  recognise  its  influence  on 
the  so-called  Eighteen  Benedictions  with  their  intro- 
ductory Blessings.  The  hymn  is  at  present,  I am 
inclined  to  think,  in  a defective  state,  for  its  model, 
the  136th  Psalm,  suggests  to  us  that  originally  it  con- 
sisted of  twenty-six  verses,  of  which  twelve  are  now 
missing.  But  these  might  easily  be  supplied  by  the 
original  prayers  of  the  Synagogue,  which  in  their  turn 
were,  as  already  hinted,  modelled  after  Ben  Sira. 
Enough,  however,  remains  of  this  hymn  to  give  us 
some  insight  into  the  state  of  religious  thought  in  the 
times  of  Ben  Sira.  We  learn  first  from  it  that  the 
theocratic  tendency  of  those  ages  has  been  unduly  em- 
phasised by  modern  critics.  At  least,  it  never  went 
so  far  as  to  suppress  devotion  to  the  house  of  David. 
Even  with  so  strong  a partisan  of  the  High  Priest 
Simon  as  Ben  Sira  was,  loyalty  to  the  descendants  of 
Zadok  went  hand  in  hand  with  the  hope  for  the 
restoration  of  the  Davidic  family,  in  which  the  Mes- 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


51 


sianic  belief  was  embodied.  If  the  first  was  com- 
manded by  the  Torah,  the  second  was  guaranteed  by 
the  Prophets,  the  fulfilment  of  whose  words  is  a sub- 
ject of  prayer  for  Ben  Sira.  To  the  harmony  of  these 
two  beliefs,  antagonistic  as  they  may  appear  to  the 
modern  eye,  all  subsequent  Jewish  literature  bears 
witness,  in  which  the  restoration  of  the  priestly  order 
to  the  service  in  the  Temple  and  the  advent  of  the 
Messiah  ben  David  form  so  prominent  a part,  and  are 
equally  prayed  for. 

We  learn  further  from  this  hymn  that  what  occu- 
pied the  mind  of  this  latter-day  psalmist  was  the  his- 
tory of  his  own  times,  not  the  events  of  the  remote 
past.  Living,  as  it  would  seem,  in  comparatively 
peaceful  times,  which,  however,  were  preceded  by  a 
great  crisis  in  the  history  of  the  nation,  he  gives 
thanks  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  city  and  the  Temple 
and  for  the  gathering  of  the  outcast  of  Israel.  What 
he  further  praises  God  for  are  the  two  great  religious 
institutions  of  his  age  : the  priesthood  as  represented 
by  the  house  of  Zadok,  and  “the  house  of  David,” 
which,  embodying  the  hope  of  Israel  in  the  future, 
passed  with  Ben  Sira  for  a living  reality.  The  invo- 
cation of  the  God  of  the  Fathers,  though  Biblical  in 
its  origin,  is  at  the  same  time  a characteristic  feature 
of  the  Jewish  liturgy.  In  fact,  the  first  of  the  Eigh- 
teen Benedictions  is  called  “Fathers.”  The  expres- 
sion “King  of  kings  of  kings”  shows  also  the 
marked  Persian  influence  to  which  Ben  Sira  was 
as  much  subject  as  any  later  Rabbi  who  uses  the 


52 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


same  appellation  for  God.  We  thus  see  clearly  that 
what  inspired  Ben  Sira  was  the  present  and  the  future 
of  his  people.  To  these  he  refers  in  plain  language, 
and  in  the  language  of  his  time.  Is  it  possible,  I ask, 
that  Psalms  written  about  the  same  age  or  even  later 
should  have  so  little  distinct  reference  to  the  events  of 
their  own  time,  that  we  have  the  greatest  difficulty  in 
recognising  their  allusions  ? Is  it  conceivable,  I ask 
again,  that  Ben  Sira,  writing  in  comparatively  unevent- 
ful times,  should  be  entirely  given  over  to  the  present, 
and  yet  the  author  of  the  136th  Psalm,  writing  as  is 
alleged  some  fifty  years  later,  should  not  have  a single 
reference  to  the  great  events  of  his  generation  ? In- 
stead of  making  the  Maccabrean  victories  the  subject 
of  his  thanksgivings,  he  praises  God  for  the  Exodus 
from  Egypt.  Is  it  possible  that  Ben  Sira  should 
make  the  selection  of  the  house  of  Zadok  the  theme 
of  his  thanks  to  God,  and  no  Maccabaean  writer 
should  thank  God  in  plain  language  for  replacing  it 
by  the  new  dynasty?  And  quite  apart  from  this  new 
hymn,  is  there  any  adequate  reason  why  Ben  Sira,  in 
celebrating  his  hero,  should  give  us  his  name,  Simon 
ben  Johanan,  whilst  the  Maccabaean  heroes  should  be 
typified  by  Joshua,  David,  Solomon,  Saul,  and  alluded 
to  in  all  possible  obscure  ways,  but  never  called  by 
their  right  names?  Again,  is  it  possible  that  Ben  Sira, 
with  all  his  care  as  an  imitator,  and  writing  only  two 
or  three  hymns,  should  forget  himself  so  as  to  use  an 
appellation  of  God  in  which  the  Persian  influence  is 
so  manifest,  whilst  all  the  hosts  of  poets  of  the  Per- 


THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 


53 


sian  and  the  Greek  period,  of  whom  the  Psalter  is 
supposed  to  be  the  work,  should  succeed  in  divest- 
ing themselves  of  every  trace  of  the  influences  of 
their  times? 

All  these  considerations  added  to  others  of  not 
less  weight,  which  would,  however,  lead  us  too  far 
were  I to  produce  them  here,  make  it  clear  to  me  that 
we  have  been  taking  too  many  liberties  with  tradition. 
Least  of  all  were  we  justified  in  undertaking  the  recon- 
struction of  a period  in  Israel’s  history  of  which 
scarcely  a single  historical  record  was  left  to  us. 
Tradition  had  at  least  at  its  disposal  legends  and 
myths,  if  you  prefer  to  call  them  so.  We  have  nothing 
but  a series  of  hypotheses  which,  in  many  respects,  are 
more  improbable  than  those  they  were  meant  to  dis- 
place. It  is,  therefore,  only  with  the  utmost  caution, 
doubting  doubt  itself,  that  we  can  at  present  express 
any  positive  opinions  on  such  obscure  points. 

I say,  at  present — for  a single  new  discovery  of  a 
book  like  Ben  Hagla,  mentioned  in  the  Talmud  in 
connexion  with  Ben  Sira,  but  lost  to  us,  or  a single 
fresh  excavation  in  the  field  of  Egyptology  and  Assyri- 
ology,  may  settle  all  these  questions  for  us.  I am 
thinking  of  another  possibility.  “ I have,”  once  said 
a sage  of  by-gone  times,  “ learned  much  from  my 
teachers,  more  from  my  colleagues,  but  most  from  my 
pupils.”  I am  quite  prepared  to  follow  this  wise  ex- 
ample. And  none  would  be  more  happy  than  I, 
should  I succeed  in  forming  in  this  place  a school  of 
Biblical  students  whose  zeal  and  devotion  to  Semitic 


54 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


studies  should  surpass  mine,  whose  penetrating  vision 
might  remove  all  obscurities  before  them,  so  that  they 
might  disperse  all  doubts,  allay  all  suspicions,  and 
convert  my  cautious  utterances  into  positive  dogmatic 
statements.5 


A GLIMPSE  OF  THE  SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  THE 
JEWS  IN  THE  AGE  OF  JESUS  THE 
SON  OF  SIRACH1 

My  object  in  heading  this  paper  “A  Glimpse  of 
the  Life  of  the  Jews  in  the  Age  of  Jesus,  the  Son  of 
Sirach,”  or,  as  I shall  call  him,  Ben  Sira,  was  to  indi- 
cate at  once  its  limits  and  its  limitations.  Thus,  it  will 
be  observed  that  I did  not  circumscribe  the  age  which 
will  occupy  our  attention  by  any  exact  date,  and  this 
for  the  simple  reason  that  the  age  in  which  Ben  Sira 
lived  is  still  a controverted  point  amongst  students, 
some  fixing  it  at  280  b.  c.  e.,  others  some  two  gene- 
rations later,  about  200  b.  c.  e.  Considering,  how- 
ever, that  in  either  case  Ben  Sira  must  have  belonged 
to  a generation  which  had  already  come  under  the 
Hellenistic  influence  under  which  Asia  fell  by  the  con- 
quests of  Alexander  the  Great,  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
never  saw  the  reaction  brought  about  against  it  by 
the  Maccabaean  rise,  the  question  of  precise  date  does 
not  seriously  affect  the  solution  of  our  problem. 

Of  more  importance  is  the  question  as  to  the 
sources  which  should  legitimately  be  made  use  of  in 
this  study.  This  is  a case  of  advanced  Bible  Criticism 
versus  Tradition.  If  we  accede  to  the  former,  Ben 
Sira  must  have  lived  in  an  age  when  the  Psalms  were 
still  in  the  process  of  composition,  when  “sceptical 


56 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


books  ” could  still  be  smuggled  into  the  Canon  under 
an  ancient,  revered  name,  when  certain  Bedouins  in 
some  obscure  corner  of  Arabia  had  just  left  off  dis- 
cussing the  most  solemn  mysteries  of  our  being,  when 
Shulamith  and  her  Beloved  were  about  to  set  out  on 
their  symbolic  career.  The  Bible,  then,  should  fur- 
nish us  with  the  material,  particularly  the  Hagi- 
ographa,  or  Kethubim.  If  we  accept  Tradition  as  our 
guide,  Biblical  authorship  would  be,  in  the  age  of  Ben 
Sira,  a matter  of  a remote  past,  and  we  should  have 
to  turn  to  the  pages  of  the  Talmud  for  information 
bearing  on  our  subject,  especially  to  those  portions 
of  it  recording  the  activity  of  the  Great  Synagogue 
( Keneseth  lia-Gcdolah ) and  the  Ordinances  of  Ezra. 

I have  my  serious  doubts  as  to  the  soundness  of 
the  hypothesis  of  Maccabaean  Psalms  and  similar 
theories  that  tend  to  fill  the  void  in  our  knowledge  of 
the  period  in  question  with  shreds  from  the  Bible.2 
But  this  scepticism  by  no  means  entirely  removes  our 
doubts  in  the  trustworthiness  of  the  Rabbinic  records 
that  were  not  reduced  to  writing  for  centuries  after 
Ben  Sira,  and  can  thus  hardly  be  considered  as  real 
contemporary  evidence.  To  this  description  the  Wis- 
dom of  Ben  Sira  alone  can  lay  claim.  All  other 
works,  as  the  Talmud,  the  “Chronicle  of  the  World,” 
and  similar  documents,  can  be  regarded  only  as 
secondary  sources,  to  be  used  as  supplementary 
evidence,  provided  there  is  nothing  incongruous  in 
the  nature  of  their  statements  with  the  times  they 
profess  to  describe. 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


57 


But  even  the  use  of  Ben  Sira  is  not  quite  free  from 
obstacles  and  pitfalls.  There  is  a passage  in  the 
“Chronicle  of  the  World”  to  the  effect  that  Elijah’s 
occupation  since  his  translation  consists  in  “writing 
the  history  of  all  generations.”  I never  realised  the 
force  of  this  legend  so  much  as  when  studying  Ben 
Sira’s  Wisdom.  For,  apart  from  the  difficulties  in- 
herent in  every  author  coming  down  to  us  from  an- 
tiquity, such  as  additions,  omissions,  and  textual  cor- 
ruptions, there  is  always  with  Ben  Sira  the  question 
whether  he  really  meant  what  he  said.  We  have  no 
reason  to  question  his  veracity.  “Gainsay  not  the 
truth,  and  humble  thyself  before  God,”  was  an  axiom 
of  his.  What  impairs  the  value  of  his  statements  is 
the  consideration  that  Ben  Sira  was,  as  proved  else- 
where,3 rather  too  much  addicted  to  quoting  from  the 
Canonical  Writings  and  giving  ample  extracts  from 
them.  It  is,  therefore,  hard  to  decide  whether  his 
words  can  always  be  taken  as  stating  a fact  to  which 
he  was  witness,  or  conveying  a sentiment  which  he 
felt,  or  whether  they  are  to  be  taken  as  mere  repeti- 
tions of  Scriptural  phrases  intended  as  ornamental 
flourishes.  Thus,  for  instance,  when  we  read  in  Ben 
Sira  the  various  passages  about  the  strange  woman, 
we  may  reasonably  ask,  Do  they  describe  the  low  state 
of  morality  in  Jerusalem,  or  are  they  not  bad  exaggera- 
tions due  to  the  author’s  thinking  of  similar  passages 
in  the  Book  of  Proverbs  ? Again,  when  he  devotes 
almost  a whole  chapter  to  a prayer  for  the  deliverance 
of  his  people  from  the  hands  of  the  oppressor,  does  it 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


5^ 


indicate  the  actual  hostile  relations  between  Israel  and 
the  surrounding  nations,  or  has  it  to  be  looked  upon 
as  being,  in  part  at  least,  a mere  exercise  in  a species 
of  lyrics  for  which  certain  elegiac  Psalms  served  him 
as  models  ? 

Only  an  Elijah  with  his  angelic  gift  of  omniscience, 
and  his  advantage  of  being  the  contemporary  of  almost 
all  times  and  ages,  could  know  whether  Ben  Sira  was 
in  the  mood  for  writing  history  or  “doing  composi- 
tion.” We  poor  mortals  have  to  be  on  our  guard  not 
to  know  too  much,  and  be  satisfied  with  guesses  and 
hypotheses.  All  that  we  can  aspire  to  are  mere 
glimpses. 

Life  with  the  Jew  meant  religion,  and  it  is  impos- 
sible to  get  a glimpse  of  his  social  life  without  at 
least  throwing  a glance  at  his  spiritual  life.  This,  in- 
deed, was  even  at  those  remote  times  fully  developed. 
For  not  only  was  the  Law  in  full  operation,  but  Juda- 
ism had  already  entered  upon  its  course  of  Rabbinism, 
the  main  function  of  which  was  to  bring  man  with 
all  his  various  faculties  and  aspirations  under  the  sway 
of  the  Torah.  The  Canon  of  the  Prophets  is  also  an 
accomplished  fact,  and  the  words  of  Ben  Sira  regard- 
ing Isaiah, 

By  a spirit  of  might  he  saw  the  end, 

And  comforted  the  mourners  of  Sion  (48  ; 24), 

thus  attributing  the  “comfort  portions”  to  the  same 
author  to  whom  the  first  forty  chapters  are  ascribed, 
are  a guarantee  also  for  the  formation  of  tradition  as 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


59 


to  the  rise  and  history  of  the  books  included  in  that 
portion  of  the  Bible  long  before  200  b.  c.  e. 

Beside  these  two  Canons  there  existed  also  “ the 
other  Books  of  the  Fathers,”  as  Ben  Sira’s  grandson 
expresses  himself,  which  probably  represented  all  the 
writings  included  in  the  Hagiographa  ( KetJuibim ),  with 
the  single  exception,  perhaps,  of  certain  portions  in 
the  Book  of  Daniel. 

The  discontinuance  of  prophecy,  however,  must 
not  be  taken  as  proof  of  spiritual  sterility.  Prophecy 
might  have  been  sorely  missed  by  Ben  Sira,  but  only 
as  a means  of  prediction,  not  as  a source  of  religious 
inspiration.  This  latter  they  had  “ in  the  book  of  the 
Covenant  of  the  Most  High  God,”  or  the  Torah, 
which,  in  the  words  of  Ben  Sira  (?),  with  whom  she  is 
identical  with  Wisdom,  is  “ the  mother  of  fair  love, 
and  fear,  and  knowledge,  and  holy  hope.”  Far  from 
causing  sterility  or  stagnation,  Wisdom,  or  the  Torah, 
says  of  herself : 

....  I will  water  my  garden, 

And  will  water  abundantly  my  garden  bed  ; 

And,  lo,  my  stream  became  a river, 

And  my  river  became  a sea. 

I will  yet  bring  instruction  to  light  as  the  morning, 

And  will  make  these  things  to  shine  forth  afar  off. 

I will  yet  pour  out  doctrine  as  prophecy, 

And  leave  it  unto  generations  of  ages  (24 : 31). 

With  such  a Torah  Ben  Sira  felt  but  little  need  for 
a new  revelation.  With  the  Psalmist  he  would  pray, 
“ Open  thou  mine  eyes  that  I may  behold  wondrous 
things  out  of  thy  Torah,”  which  wondrous  things 


6o 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


consist  mainly  in  divining  God’s  will  so  far  as  it  has 
any  bearing  upon  life  and  conduct.  This  brings  us 
to  the  Synagogue,  or  the  House  of  Interpretation  (of 
the  Torah),  which  forms  so  prominent  a feature  in  the 
religious  life  of  post-exilic  Judaism.  With  the 
scanty  materials  at  our  disposal  it  is  difficult  to  define 
its  exact  position  as  a religious  factor  in  those  early 
times.  First,  however,  we  must  cast  a glance  at  least 
at  the  Holy  Temple,  which,  by  reason  of  its  long  his- 
torical prestige,  its  glorious  ritual,  performed  by  a 
hereditary  priesthood  and  presided  over  by  a pontiff, 
who  not  only  had  a seat  in  the  councils  of  the  nation, 
but  practically  represented  in  his  person  the  whole 
legislature,  must  have  almost  monopolised  the  affec- 
tion and  the  devotion  the  people  bestowed  upon  their 
religious  institutions.  The  contents  of  Chapter  50  of 
the  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira  convey  to  us  a fair  idea  of 
what  the  best  of  the  nation  felt  when  in  the  presence 
of  their  priestly  rulers,  and  what  impression  the  service 
in  the  Temple  made  on  them. 

The  central  figure  in  that  chapter  is  Simon  the  son 
of  Johanan,  “the  great  one  of  his  brethren  and  the 
glory  of  his  people,”  the  patriot  and  the  leader, 

Who  took  thought  for  his  people  against  the  spoiler, 

And  fortified  his  city  against  the  besieger  (50 : 4), 

whose  personal  appearance  was  so  striking  that  Ben 
Sira  enthusiastically  exclaims  : 

How  glorious  was  he  when  he  looked  forth  from  the  tent  ; 

At  his  coming  forth  out  of  the  Sanctuary  ! 

As  the  morning  star  in  the  midst  of  a cloud, 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


61 


As  the  moon  at  the  full  in  the  days  of  the  solemn  fast : 

As  the  sun  dawning  upon  the  temple  of  the  King, 

And  as  the  rainbow  seen  in  the  cloud  (50 : 5-7). 

It  should,  however,  be  noticed  that  a good  deal  of 
this  enthusiasm  may  have  been  due  as  much  to  the 
gorgeous  attire  of  the  pontiff  as  to  any  personal  charm 
Simon  may  have  possessed.  At  least,  this  is  the  im- 
pression we  receive  from  a similar  description  of  a 
high  priest  left  to  us  by  the  anonymous  author  of  the 
Aristeas  Letter,  who  rather  revels  in  the  minute  de- 
scription of  the  various  vestments  the  high  priest 
wore,  the  robes,  the  diamonds,  the  bells,  and  the 
pomegranates,  and  he  tells  us  that  the  effect  produced 
on  him  by  the  sight  of  the  high  priest  in  full  canoni- 
cals as  required  by  the  service,  was  to  feel  himself 
transferred  to  another  world. 

In  a similar  strain  are  the  lines  of  Ben  Sira  pictur- 
ing his  hero  at  the  moment  when  he  was  performing 
the  service  in  the  Temple  : 

When  he  ascended  the  altar  of  majesty, 

And  made  glorious  the  precinct  of  the  Sanctuary, 

When  he  received  the  pieces  out  of  the  hand  of  his  brethren, 
While  himself  standing  by  the  altar  fires  : 

Round  him  a crown  of  sons 
Like  cedar  plants  in  Lebanon. 

And  they  compassed  him  about  like  willows  of  the  brook  : 
All  the  sons  of  Aaron  in  their  glory 

With  the  fire-offerings  of  the  Lord  in  their  hand  (50  : 12-13). 
The  culminating  point  of  Ben  Sira’s  enthusiasm  is 
reached  with  the  choral  part  of  the  service,  in  which 
the  laity  had  its  due  share  in  the  responses  : 

Then  sounded  the  sons  of  Aaron,  the  priests, 

With  trumpets  of  beaten  work. 


62 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


And  they  sounded,  and  made  their  glorious  voice  heard 
To  bring  to  remembrance  before  the  Most  High. 

All  flesh  together  hasted, 

And  fell  down  upon  their  faces  to  the  earth, 

To  worship  before  the  Most  High, 

Before  the  Holy  One  of  Israel 

And  all  the  people  of  the  land  chanted 

In  prayer  before  the  Merciful 

Then  he  came  down  and  lifted  up  his  hands 
Over  all  the  congregation  of  Israel, 

And  the  blessing  of  the  Lord  was  on  his  lips 
And  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  he  gloried. 

And  they  bowed  again  a second  time, 

The  people  all  of  them  before  him  (50  : 16-22). 

Thus  Ben  Sira.  The  author  of  the  Aristeas  Letter, 
who  writes  for  Gentiles,  and  dwells  at  great  length 
on  the  sacrificial  service,  remarks  that  it  was  carried 
out  in  such  deep  silence  as  to  make  one  think  that  not 
a single  human  being  was  to  be  found  anywhere  in 
the  place.  And  yet,  he  proceeds  to  say,  there  were 
present,  as  a rule,  about  seven  hundred  ministering 
priests,  in  addition  to  the  great  crowds  of  the  laity 
who  brought  the  sacrifices.  But  all  this  was  per- 
formed in  solemnity  and  in  a manner  worthy  of  the 
great  Deity. 


It  will,  however,  be  noticed  that  neither  Simon  nor 
the  high  functionaries  surrounding  him  appear  in  the 
capacity  of  teachers  or  instructors  of  the  people.  The 
office  of  teaching  was  left,  as  already  indicated,  to  the 
Synagogue,  represented  by  the  Scribes,  or  Sages,  who 
were  recruited  from  all  classes  of  the  people.  It 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA  63 


is  impossible  to  define  the  exact  relation  of  the 
Synagogue  to  the  Temple.  Some  writers  describe 
the  Synagogue  as  the  altars  on  the  high  places 
of  post-exilic  Judaism;  others,  again,  fond  of 
modern  theological  slang,  as  the  Procathedrals 
of  the  provinces.  All  these  names,  however,  are 
to  some  extent  misleading,  implying,  as  they  do, 
a certain  conscious,  antagonistic  attitude  in  the  Syna- 
gogue toward  the  Temple,  for  which  there  is  no  real 
evidence.  We  know  fairly  that  there  was  a synagogue 
within  the  precincts  of  the  Temple.  Had  there  been 
room  for  the  least  suspicion  of  schismatic  tendencies, 
the  priests  would  as  little  have  allowed  it  accommo- 
dation within  the  sphere  of  their  jurisdiction  as,  for 
instance,  the  dignitaries  of  the  Vatican  could  be  ex- 
pected to  grant  a site  for  a Protestant  chapel  in  the 
court  of  St.  Peter’s.  Nor,  indeed,  is  there  known 
any  conscious  opposition  to  the  Temple  on  the 
part  of  the  Rabbis.  Simon  ben  Shetach,  Hillel,  and 
all  the  other  leaders  of  the  Synagogue,  were  as  zealous 
for  the  maintenance  of  the  priestly  order  and  the 
sacrificial  worship  as  ever  any  high  priest  was.  Some 
of  these  leaders  were  even  priests  themselves,  and 
served  in  the  Temple  in  such  capacities.  More 
appropriate,  therefore,  is  the  traditional  designa- 
tion Beth  ha-Keneseth  (House  of  Assembly),  or  the 
even  more  ancient  and  more  classic  name,  Beth 
ha-Midrash  (House  of  Interpretation)4,  thus  con- 
fining the  activity  of  the  Synagogue  mainly  to  instruc- 
tion. Worship  was  only  a secondary  matter  with  it, 


64 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


and  stood  in  no  competitive  relation  to  that  performed 
in  the  Temple,  since  no  amount  of  prayer  ever  so 
sublime  could  relieve  the  Jew  from  the  bringing  of 
a meal-offering  or  a sin-offering  when  such  was  his 
duty  in  accordance  with  the  injunctions  of  the  Leviti- 
cal  Code.  The  office  of  the  Synagogue  must,  there- 
fore, have  been  looked  upon  as  supplementary  or  aux- 
iliary to  that  of  the  Temple,  which  in  the  age  of  Ben 
Sira  was  generally  limited  to  the  functions  of  worship. 

If  there  was  any  element  in  the  Synagogue  which 
might  have  led  to  a rupture  with  the  sister  institution, 
it  was  not  its  teaching,  but  its  democratic  constitution, 
which,  to  some  minds,  must  have  contrasted  favour- 
ably with  the  hierarchic  government  of  the  Temple. 
“ Three  crowns  there  are,”  said  a Rabbi : “ the  crown  of 
royalty,  the  crown  of  priesthood,  and  the  crown  of  the 
Torah.  The  first  two  are  in  the  exclusive  possession 
of  two  families,  the  lineage  of  David  and  the  descend- 
ants of  Aaron.  But  the  crown  of  the  Torah  is  free  to 
all,  and  can  be  acquired  only  by  labour.  He  who 
wants  to  take  it,  let  him  come  and  take  it,  as  it 
is  said  : ‘ Ho  ! every  one  that  thirsteth,  come  ye  to 

the  waters.’  ”5  Only  a few  generations  after  Ben  Sira 
we  find  Shemaiah  and  Abtalyon,  descendants  of 
proselytes,  holding,  according  to  tradition,  the  high 
offices  of  “ President  ” and  “ Father  of  the  Court  of 
Justice  ” in  the  Sanhedrin. 

But  in  spite  of  its  humble  claims,  and  notwith- 
standing the  lowly  origin  of  those  who  served  in  it, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  influence  of  the 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA  65 


Synagogue  as  a religious  factor  even  in  the  times  of 
Ben  Sira  was  more  deeply  felt  than  the  scarcity  of 
references  to  it  in  the  contemporary  literature  would 
lead  us  to  believe.  For,  judged  in  the  light  of  subse- 
quent events,  it  is  not  impossible  that  the  very  darling 
priests  whom  Ben  Sira  admired  as  the  “ crown  of 
sons”  developed  in  later  life  into  the  class  of  trai- 
torous prelates  who  headed  the  paganising  movement 
preceding  the  Maccabsean  rise,  among  whom  Jason  and 
the  Tobiades  were  only  the  more  notorious  specimens. 
But  whilst  the  priests,  according  to  the  Second  Book 
of  Maccabees,  had  no  inclination  to  serve  at  the  altar, 
but,  despising  the  Temple  and  neglecting  the  sacri- 
fices, hastened  to  be  partakers  of  the  unlawful  allow- 
ance in  the  “ place  of  exercise,”6  there  were,  as  we 
know  from  the  same  source,  mighty  men  in  Israel, 
every  one  who  offered  himself  willingly  for  the  Law. 
By  those  mighty  men  are  meant  the  Scribes  and  the 
Assidceans,  but  they  had  a large  following,  as  is  clear 
from  another  passage,  “ in  the  many  in  Israel  who  chose 
to  die  that  they  might  not  profane  the  Holy  Covenant.”7 
Now,  in  pre-exilic  times,  the  backslidings  of  the  kings 
and  the  nobles  as  a rule  involved  the  apostasy  of  the 
whole  nation,  and  if  the  king  “ did  that  which  was  evil 
in  the  sight  of  the  Lord,”  the  people  were  sure  to  do 
what  was  worse.  But,  in  the  age  occupying  our 
attention,  we  find  the  strange  phenomenon  that  the 
bulk  of  the  nation,  far  from  being  affected  by  the 
apostasy  of  their  political  leaders,  arrayed  themselves 
in  organised  resistance,  determined  to  defend  their 


66 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


religion  against  all  attacks  from  within  and  without. 
Considering  that  these  political  leaders  came  mostly 
from  the  ranks  of  the  priestly  aristocracy,  we  must 
assume  that  there  were  spiritual  forces  at  work  other 
than  the  Temple,  which  prepared  the  nation  for  the 
crisis.  This  force  was  the  Synagogue,  which,  by  reason 
of  its  less  elaborate  service  and  its  office  of  instruction, 
was  admirably  fitted  to  place  religion  within  the  reach 
of  the  people  at  large,  and  to  teach  them  to  consider 
man's  relations  to  God  as  his  own  personal  affair,  not 
to  be  regulated  by  the  conscience  or  caprice  of  either 
prince  or  priest. 

This  instruction  was  given  free,  without  any  expec- 
tation of  reward,  and  ungrudgingly.  For,  as  Ben  Sira 
expresses  it  : 

All  wisdom  cometh  from  the  Lord 

She  is  with  all  flesh  according  to  his  gift ; 

And  he  gave  her  freely  to  them  that  love  him  (i : i-io), 

and  as  a Rabbi  remarked  : Man  should  in  this  respect 
imitate  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he.  As  with  God 
it  is  a gift  of  free  grace,  so  should  man  make  it  a 
free  gift.8 

Next  to  the  function  of  teaching  came  that  of  prayer. 
Prayer  is,  of  course,  not  the  invention  of  the  Syna- 
gogue. It  is,  to  use  the  words  of  an  old  mystic,  as 
natural  an  expression  of  the  intimate  relations  be- 
tween heaven  and  earth  as  courtship  between  the 
sexes.  Inarticulate  whisperings,  however,  and  raptur- 
ous effusions  at  far  intervals  are  sometimes  apt  to  de- 
generate into  mere  passing  flirtations.  The  Syna- 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA  67 


gogue,  by  creating  something  like  a liturgy,  appoint- 
ing times  for  prayer,  and  erecting  places  of  worship, 
gave  steadiness  and  duration  to  these  fitful  and  uncon- 
trolled emotions,  and  raised  them  to  the  dignity  of  a 
proper  institution. 

Of  the  contents  of  this  early  liturgy  little  more  is 
known  than  the  pregnant  headings  of  the  Benedic- 
tions. They  are  Fathers  (nux),  Strengths  (mmu), 
and  Holinesses  (JWttp),  said  to  have  been  introduced 
by  the  men  of  the  Great  Synagogue,  and  are  thus  of 
pre-Maccabaean  origin.  The  first  three  blessings  of 
“the  original  prayers”  (sometimes  called  the  Eighteen 
Benedictions),  still  in  use  in  the  Synagogue,  are  known 
under  the  same  headings.  The  burden  of  the  first 
(max)  is  the  proclaiming  of  God  as  the  God  of  the 
Fathers,  and  “possessing  heaven  and  earth.”  It  has 
a striking  parallel  in  Ben  Sira’s  hymn,  where  thanks 
are  given  to  the  Shield  of  Abraham,  the  Rock  of 
Isaac,  and  the  Mighty  One  of  Jacob  (51:  12,  j,  k,  1.), 
whilst  the  heading  “Fathers”  strongly  reminds  one  of 
Ben  Sira’s  similar  superscription  on  Chapter  44,  “The 
Praise  of  the  Fathers  of  the  World  ” (d^ii;  mix  nit?). 

The  burden  of  the  third  is  the  praise  of  God  in  his 
attribute  of  holiness,  and  has  probably  its  origin  in  the 
theophany  of  Isaiah,  “ Holy,  holy,  holy  is  the  Lord  of 
hosts.”  It  is  remarkable  that  the  passage  commen- 
cing, “Now,  therefore,  O Lord,  impose  thine  awe  upon 
all  thy  work”  ('pni  }n  pll),  which  is  inserted  in  this 
Benediction  on  the  New  Year’s  Day,  contains  many 
phrases  and  expressions  to  be  found  in  the  thirty-sixth 


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STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


chapter  of  Ben  Sira.  There  is  thus  no  objection  to 
assuming  that  the  contents  of  the  Fathers  and  the 
Holinesses  Benedictions  of  the  age  of  Ben  Sira  were 
almost  identical  with  those  recited  by  the  Jews  of  the 
present  day.  It  is  more  difficult  to  say  what  the  exact 
wording  of  the  Strengths  Benediction  was.  The  term 
itself,  nnnJ,  seems  to  have  been  suggested  by  Job  26: 
14,  “But  the  thunder  of  his  strength  (or  power),  who 
can  understand?”  The  Rabbis  also  speak  often  of 
the  Q’DC’J  nniny  the  power  of  God  as  shown  by  his 
bringing  rain.  The  Strengths  Benediction  would 
thus  mean  the  praise  of  God  in  his  manifestation 
through  nature.  The  text,  however,  of  the  Blessing 
of  the  same  name  in  the  Jewish  Common  Prayer-Book 
is,  “Thou,  O Lord,  art  mighty  forever,  thou  quick- 
enest  the  dead,”  etc. 

This  is  practically  less  of  a Benediction  than  the 
promulgation  of  a doctrine  that  the  dead  will  rise  one 
day.  And  here  the  question  presents  itself  whether 
the  belief  in  resurrection  was  a universally  accepted 
dogma  in  the  days  of  Ben  Sira.  I think  this  question 
must  be  answered  in  the  negative.  It  is  true  that 
there  is  no  real  evidence  that  Ben  Sira  was  opposed  to 
this  dogma.  For  such  desponding  passages  as  are 
reproduced  by  Dr.  Edersheim  and  other  writers, 
tending  to  show  Ben  Sira’s  despair  of  man’s  condition 
after  death,  may  be  mere  repetitions  of  the  corres- 
ponding verses  in  Ecclesiastes,  Job,  and  Psalms, 
and  need  not  thus  express  the  author’s  own  views. 
Yet  it  must  be  admitted  that  there  is  some  truth  in 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA  69 


Dr.  Edersheim’s  exclamation:  “What  becomes  of  the 
spirit  in  Hades  is  scarcely  clear  to  our  writer,  as  there 
is  no  distinct  reference  to  the  doctrine  of  immortality 
or  resurrection  in  Ben  Sira.”  Dr.  Edersheim  also 
complains  that  Ben  Sira  is  reluctant  to  enlarge  upon 
the  subject  of  angels,  as  well  as  that  he  is  still  more 
chary  in  his  references  to  Satan.  He  also  suspects 
that  Ben  Sira’s  creed  did  not  include  the  doctrine  of 
“original  sin  in  the  New  Testament  sense.”9  I am  not 
responsible  for  the  heterodoxies  of  Ben  Sira,  and  am  in 
no  way  anxious  to  convert  him  to  a scheme  of  salvation 
of  a much  later  period.  But  I may  say  in  his  defence, 
that  with  Ben  Sira  all  those  metaphysical  hypotheses 
and  theological  certainties  probably  belonged  to  those 
“conceits  of  men  and  imagination  of  thoughts  leading 
them  astray,”  against  which  he  warns  us  with  the  words: 

Search  not  the  things  that  are  too  wonderful  for  thee, 

And  seek  not  that  which  is  hid  from  thee. 

What  thou  art  permitted,  think  thereupon, 

But  thou  hast  no  business  with  the  secret  things  (3  : 21-22). 

As  Ben  Sira  lived  in  an  age  sadly  deficient  in  all 
theological  enterprise,  but  great  in  its  admiration  of 
the  prophets,  we  can  even  imagine  him  replying  to  an 
intrusive  inquirer:  “Hadst  thou  the  same  belief  in 
God’s  just  government  of  the  world  as  an  Isaiah  had, 
thou  wouldst  speak  less  about  man’s  condition  after 
death,  and  more  about  the  rights  and  duties  of  life,  less 
about  angels  and  more  about  men,  less  of  Satan  and 
more  of  God;”  and  if 

The  life  of  man  is  numbered  by  days, 

The  days  of  Israel  are  innumerable  (37  : 25). 


7° 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


The  great  principle  which  he  would  impress  upon 
mortals  would  be 

Prosperity  and  adversity,  life  and  death, 

Poverty  and  riches  come  of  the  Lord  (n  : 14). 

But  as  to  the  mysterious  workings  of  Providence 
in  apportioning  his  lot  to  each  man,  nothing  remains 
but  to  pray, 

For  great  is  the  mercy  of  God, 

And  he  revealeth  his  secret  to  the  meek  (3  : 20). 

I need  hardly  say  that  in  the  days  of  Hillel  and 
Shammai,  the  doctrine  of  immortality  was  fully  devel- 
oped, and  universally  accepted  by  all  the  Pharisaic 
Schools. 

The  Synagogue  found  a powerful  auxiliary  in  the 
home.  The  Sabbath  was  then  more  strictly  observed 
than  in  later  ages.  The  dietary  laws,  forming  a part  of 
the  holiness  code,  and  probably  kept  originally  only  by 
the  priests,  now  helped  to  hallow  every  Jewish  home 
which  came  under  the  influence  of  the  Synagogue. 
The  “Words  of  the  Scribes,”  as  well  as  most  of  the 
other  ordinances  and  laws  whose  origin  can  no  longer 
be  traced,  probably  arose  about  this  time.  These 
tended  to  give  distinction  and  character  to  the  nation 
at  large.  The  Synagogue  became  a Temple  on  a small 
scale,  and  the  Jewish  home  a Synagogue  in  miniature. 


When  speaking  of  the  artisan,  Ben  Sira  says : 

But  they  will  maintain  the  fabric  of  the  world  ; 

And  in  the  handiwork  of  their  craft  is  their  prayer  (38  : 34)10. 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


71 


Let  us  now  consider  prayer  outside  of  the  appointed 
place  of  worship.  I therefore  propose  that  we  quit 
Temple  and  Synagogue,  and  betake  ourselves  to 
more  secular  surroundings,  to  learn  something  of  the 
social  life  of  the  Jew.  I am  the  more  anxious  for 
this  shifting  of  scenes,  since  there  is  some  notion 
abroad  that  one  of  the  evil  effects  of  the  introduc- 
tion of  the  “Priestly  Code”  was  to  convert  a Nation 
into  a Church,  thus  leading  to  the  impression  that  a 
religious  life,  in  the  sense  of  the  Torah,  was  incom- 
patible with  what  we  understand  by  a civilised  polity. 
The  glimpses  which  the  market-place  and  the  Jewish 
home  will  now  afford  us  will  show  how  erroneous 
this  conception  is.  Here  we  find  the  Jew  occupied 
as  farmer  and  cattle-breeder,  or  active  as  carpenter, 
builder,  iron-smith,  potter,  and  in  similar  trades.  Ben 
Sira,  a savant  of  the  most  approved  type,  has  no 
particular  sympathy  with  such  vocations,  thinking  that 
conversation  with  animals  and  the  noise  of  the  hammer 
and  the  anvil  are  not  conducive  to  wisdom  (38:  33 
et  seq.').  He  admits,  however,  that  “without  these 
cannot  a city  be  inhabited,  and  that  every  one  is  wise 
in  his  works”  (38:  32).  Hence  his  injunction, 

Hate  not  appointed  service  of  laborious  work, 

For  it  has  been  apportioned  of  God  ” (7  : 15). 

Ben  Sira  was  less  tolerant  of  the  commercial  classes, 
of  whom  he  says : 

A merchant  shall  hardly  keep  himself  from  wrong-doing. 

And  a huckster  shall  not  be  acquitted  from  sin, 

For  if  he  stumbles  not  in  this,  he  stumbles  in  that  (26  ; 29). 11 


72 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


This  is  quite  in  harmony  with  the  Rabbinic  senti- 
ment, which,  though  having  a higher  opinion  of  the 
dignity  of  labour  than  Ben  Sira,  declares  the  hawker 
and  the  shop-keeper  to  be  engaged  in  trades  of  “ bad 
odour,”  whilst  the  latter  is  said  to  practise  the  “ handi- 
craft of  robbery.”12  These  are  harsh  words,  and  I can 
say  nothing  in  mitigation  of  them,  except  that  they 
were  not  actuated  by  the  kindly  feelings  which  the 
gentleman  presiding  in  his  office  on  the  first  floor 
entertains  for  his  dear  neighbour  behind  the  counter  on 
the  ground  floor.  It  was  not  a question  of  wholesale 
or  retail  with  Ben  Sira. 

“Offend  not”  he  says,  “with  a word  him  who  labours  truly, 
Nor  even  the  hired  man  who  gives  his  soul  ” (7  : 20). 13 

His  aversion  was  certainly  not  social.  It  was 
founded  on  his  impression,  rightly  or  wrongly  con- 
ceived, that 

As  a nail  sticketh  fast  between  the  joinings  of  the  stone, 

So  doth  sin  stick  close  between  buying  and  selling  (27  : 2). 

Of  professions  we  have  to  record  four  : the  military, 
the  clerical,  the  scholastic,  and  the  medical.  As  to 
the  first,  we  have  evidence  in  contemporary  docu- 
ments that  Jews  served  as  soldiers  in  the  Ptolemaic 
armies.  The  chivalrous  injunction  of  Ben  Sira, 

Forget  not  a companion  in  the  battle, 

And  forsake  him  not  in  thy  booty  (37  : 6), 

also  points  to  the  existence  of  such  a class  in  the  age 
of  Ben  Sira.  But  it  does  not  seem  that  the  position 
of  the  Tommy  Atkins  of  antiquity  was  much  better 
than  that  of  his  modern  brother-in-arms. 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


73 


“Who  will  trust’’  says  Ben  Sira  “a  troop  of  warriors  skipping 
from  city  to  city  ? ” (36;  31), 

whilst  in  times  of  peace  he  was  utterly  neglected,  so 
that  Ben  Sira  exclaims  : 

There  be  two  things  that  grieve  my  heart, 

And  the  third  that  makes  me  angry  : 

A man  of  war  that  suffers  poverty  ( 26  : 28 )'. 

The  story  of  the  Absent-minded  Beggar  all  over 
again ! 

The  clerical  and  the  scholastic  can  hardly  be 
called  professions  in  the  sense  we  attach  to  the  word, 
since  the  former  was  not  a matter  of  choice  or  of 
special  training,  but  a mere  accident  of  birth,  whilst 
the  latter,  as  indicated  above,  did  not  carry  any 
pecuniary  compensation  with  it.  Ben  Sira’s  invita- 
tion to  those  he  wishes  to  instruct  runs  thus : 

Turn  unto  me,  O ye  fools, 

And  lodge  in  my  house  of  learning. 

I opened  my  mouth  and  spake  of  her, 

Get  ye  wisdom  in  your  possession  without  money  ( 51 : 23,25). 

With  regard  to  the  priests,  the  Rabbis  speak  of  the 
twenty-four  Gifts,  or  sources  of  revenue,  of  the  priest- 
hood.14 Still,  I am  inclined  to  think  that  it  may  seri- 
ously be  doubted  whether  the  common  priest,  DIHH  jro, 
at  least,  found  himself  in  much  better  circumstances 
than  the  general  scribe.  Of  the  twenty-four  gifts,  the 
Terumah  (heave-offering)  was  the  one  on  which  the 
priest  mostly  depended,  since  it  provided  him  with  the 
products  of  the  soil  of  which  bread  was  made.  This 
Terumah  revenue,  however,  consisted,  as  later  sources 


74 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


report,  only  of  a tax  of  two  per  cent  of  the  harvest  in 
kind,  and  was  hardly  commensurate  with  the  numbers 
of  the  priests,  who  must  have  constituted  a much 
larger  proportion  of  the  population  than  one  in  fifty. 
Moreover,  there  were  various  subterfuges  makingit  pos- 
sible for  the  people  to  evade  the  whole  law,  of  which 
probably  many  availed  themselves.  Nehemiah’s  sur- 
prise expressed  in  the  words,  “And  I perceived  that 
the  portions  of  the  Levites  had  not  been  given  to  them” 
(13  : 10),  must  have  been  experienced  by  many  a 
Jewish  authority  during  the  Second  Temple.  The 
daily  press  of  those  ages  does  not  record  any  cases 
of  “conscience-money.”  But  even  when  the  “por- 
tions” were  punctually  delivered,  there  were  so  many 
physical  and  other  causes  putting  the  priest  into  a 
state  of  Levitical  impurity,  and  thus  excluding  him 
from  every  contact  with  “holy  things,”  that  the  en- 
joyment of  the  Terumah  and  similar  gifts  was  limited 
to  the  short  intervals  when  he  and  his  family  and  their 
dependents  were  “painfully  clean.”  In  seasons  of 
“defilement”  all  that  he  could  do  with  his  Terumah 
was  to  use  it  as  fuel.  Again,  on  the  gifts  due  him 
from  the  various  sacrifices,  consisting  of  meats,  oils, 
and  cakes,  he  could  depend  only  for  the  time  he  was 
in  active  service  in  the  Temple,  and  this  did  not  ex- 
tend over  two  weeks  in  the  year  according  to  the 
arrangement  of  “the  twenty-four  priestly  districts.” 

There  must  have  been,  of  course,  some  offices  in 
the  Temple  worth  having,  especially  those  connected 
with  the  superintendence  of  the  finances.  But  it 
would  seem  that  such  sinecures  were  kept  for  the 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


75 


special  benefit  of  “ the  younger  sons  and  older  daugh- 
ters of  the  high  priests,”  and  were  not  within  the  reach 
of  the  lower  clergy.  “Woe  unto  us,”  exclaimed  an 
old  Rabbi,  “because  of  the  House  of  Ishmael  ben 
Piabi.  Woe  unto  us  because  of  their  fist  (violence). 
They  themselves  are  high  priests,  their  sons  mana- 
gers, and  their  sons-in-law  treasurers,  whilst  their 
slaves  tyrannise  over  the  people  with  sticks.”  15  The 
common  priests  without  family  patronage  had  thus 
little  hope  of  advancement.  Indeed,  their  position 
was  sometimes  so  desperate  that  some  used  to  hire 
themselves  out  as  hands  on  the  threshing-floor,  with 
the  purpose  of  engaging  the  good-will  of  the  owner 
of  the  harvest,  who  could  patronise  with  his  gifts  any 
priest  he  liked.  The  Rabbis  stigmatise  such  a pro- 
cedure as  a degradation  of  the  priesthood  and  as  a 
“pollution  of  the  holy  things.”  16  But  we  who  know 
so  much  of  the  story  of  the  perpetual  curate  with  the 
large  family  and  the  small  stipend  will  be  inclined 
rather  to  pity  than  to  anger.  It  must  probably  have 
been  with  an  eye  to  this  neglect  of  the  priest  and  his 
abject  poverty  that  Ben  Sira  wrote  the  following  lines : 

Fear  the  Lord  with  all  thy  soul, 

And  reverence  his  priests. 

With  all  thy  strength  love  him  that  made  thee, 

And  forsake  not  his  ministers. 

Honour  the  Lord  and  glorify  the  priest, 

And  give  him  his  portion  even  as  it  Is  commanded  thee 
(7:  29,31). 

More  of  a profession  in  our  sense  of  the  word  was 
the  medical  one.  Ben  Sira  devotes  a whole  chapter 
to  it,  and  we  learn  from  it  that 


76 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


The  knowledge  of  the  physician  shall  lift  his  head, 

He  shall  stand  before  the  nobles, 

And  from  the  king  he  shall  receive  gifts  (38  : 3,  2). 

He  was  thus,  like  the  modern  physician,  a student  of 
some  sort,  and  likewise  expected  to  be  compensated 
for  his  services.  Anatomy,  physiology,  etc.,  are  not 
likely  to  have  formed  a part  of  his  knowledge,  though 
there  is  evidence  from  the  second  century  that  some 
Rabbis  tried  their  hands  at  dissecting  dead  bodies.17 
As  it  would  seem,  it  consisted  mainly  in  knowing 
the  virtues  of  various  herbs,  for,  as  Ben  Sira  says, 

God  bringeth  out  medicines  from  the  earth; 

And  let  a prudent  man  not  refuse  them.  ...... 

By  them  doth  the  physician  assuage  pain  (38  : 4,  7). 

Ben  Sira’s  pleading, 

Was  not  water  made  sweet  with  wood 

To  acquaint  every  man  with  his  [God’s]  power?  (38  : 5), 

seems  to  have  been  directed  against  a sort  of  Jewish 
scientists  who  saw  in  the  physician  a man  counteract- 
ing the  designs  of  God.  The  Rabbinic  remark  on 
Exodus  21 : 19,  "that  the  Law  gave  permission  to  the 
physician  to  practise  his  art,”  18  points  also  to  the  exis- 
tence of  such  objections  on  the  part  of  some  “ pecu- 
liar” Jews.  “Nothing  is  new  under  the  sun,”  not 
even  folly. 

Of  course,  as  a pious  Jew,  Ben  Sira  perceived  in 
the  physician  an  instrument  of  Providence,  or,  as  he 
expresses  it, 

From  God  a physician  getteth  wisdom  (38 : 2). 

Hence  his  advice  to  the  patient: 

Pray  unto  the  Lord,  for  he  will  heal  (38  : 9). 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


77 


Ben  Sira  likewise  assumes  of  the  physician  that 

He,  too,  will  supplicate  unto  God, 

That  he  will  prosper  to  him  the  mixture  (38  : 14). 

But  he  distinctly  warns  the  people  not  to  neglect  the 
physician.  “ Honour  the  physician,”  Ben  Sira  says, 
“before  thou  hast  need  of  him”  (38:  1),  and  con- 
cludes the  chapter  with  the  words; 

He  that  sinneth  against  his  Maker, 

Will  behave  himself  proudly  against  a physician  (38  : 15). 

In  consequence  of  a misreading  of  the  Hebrew  by  the 
Greek  translator,  the  versions  give 

He  that  sinneth  before  his  Maker, 

Let  him  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  physician. 


Now,  a community  which  has  artisans  and  traders, 
hired  men  and  employers,  professionals  and  privi- 
leged classes,  could  hardly  be  expected  to  be  free 
from  social  inequalities  and  even  social  injustices. 
Ben  Sira  touches  in  many  a place  on  these  social  evils 
of  his  time.  It  was  on  the  basis  of  such  passages  that 
a German  Social  Democrat,  Herr  Pfarrer  Naumann, 
declared  Ben  Sira  to  have  been  a prototype  of  Karl 
Marx  and  Lassalle.  I know  the  Pfarrer’ s article  only 
from  quotations  given  by  Pastor  Wohlenberg  in  an 
Essay  headed  Jesus  Sirach  und  die  sociale  Fragc,  in  the 
Neue  Kirchliche  Zeitschrift.  To  judge  from  these 
quotations  Pfarrer  Naumann’s  main  argument  is  based 
on  the  contents  of  Ben  Sira’s  Wisdom,  Chapter  13,  in 
which  such  lines  as  the  following  occur: 

Wild  asses  are  the  prey  of  lions  in  the  wilderness; 

So  poor  men  are  pasture  for  the  rich 


78 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


A rich  man  speaketh  and  all  keep  silence; 

And  what  he  saith  they  extol  to  the  clouds. 

A poor  man  speaketh,  and  they  say,  who  is  this  ? 

And  if  he  stumble,  they  will  help  to  overthrow  him  ( 13  : 

19-23)- 

These,  and  other  verses  like  these,  testify  to  the 
existence  of  a class  rapacious,  perfidious,  and  unscru- 
pulous. Still  they  must  not  be  interpreted  as  if  they 
were  meant  to  set  up  a conflagration  to  consume  the 
foundations  of  an  old  world,  replacing  it  by  a state 
composed  of  communistic  societies  and  socialistic 
brotherhoods.  Nothing  could  be  further  from  the 
thoughts  of  Ben  Sira.  The  social  problem  in  Israel  is 
old,  and  is  in  no  way  characteristic  of  the  age  of  Ben 
Sira.  Those  interested  in  the  subject  will  find  a fair 
account  of  it,  and  the  way  prophets  and  lawgivers 
tried  to  deal  with  it,  in  Professor  Nowack’s  and  Pro- 
fessor Buhl’s  pamphlets  on  the  social  problems  in 
Israel.  For  our  present  purpose  it  will  suffice  to 
refer  to  such  passages  as  the  one  in  Isaiah,  “Woe 
unto  them  who  join  house  to  house  and  lay  field  to 
field,  till  there  is  no  place”  (5:  8),  or  the  one  in 
Amos,  “ Hear  this,  ye  who  swallow  up  the  needy, 
even  to  make  the  poor  of  the  land  to  fail,  saying, 
when  will  the  new  moon  be  gone,  that  we  may  sell 
the  corn  ....  that  we  may  buy  the  poor  for  silver 
and  the  needy  for  a pair  of  shoes?”  (8:  5,  6).  Nor 
did  the  suffering  of  the  exile  greatly  contribute  toward 
lessening  covetousness.  For  we  find,  that  one  of  the 
evils  with  which  Nehemiah  had  to  deal  was  the  rapa- 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


79 


city  of  the  nobles  and  princes,  who  kept  in  bondage 
the  sons  and  the  daughters  of  the  people,  who  were 
compelled  to  sell  them  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
the  barest  necessaries  of  life,  or  to  pay  the  King’s 
tribute  (Nehemiah  5:  1-3).  The  only  new  feature  in 
Ben  Sira  is  possibly  the  fact  that  with  him  the  Hebrew 
word  iw,  usually  meaning  “the  rich,”  “the  opu- 
lent,” becomes  a sort  of  equivalent  to  our  word 
“ plutocrat,”  with  this  difference,  that  the  yew  em- 
ploys his  powers  for  his  own  unrighteous  purposes, 
and  hence  is  a synonym  with  ren,  “the  wicked.” 
Says  Ben  Sira: 

What  fellowship  shall  wolf  have  with  lamb? 

Such  is  the  wicked  unto  the  righteous  : 

And  so  is  the  rich  unto  a man  that  is  destitute  (13  ; 17-18). 19 

And  the  fact  might  be  easily  explained  by  the 
aggravating  turn  matters  took  under  Hellenistic  in- 
fluence, when  priests  of  aristocratic  descent  became 
tax-farmers,  and  the  wealthy  classes  in  their  train, 
aping  the  nobility,  probably  abandoned  themselves  to 
outlandish  and  ungodly  fashions  and  luxury,  so  that 
the  rich  could  be  easily  described  as  “ the  children  of 
the  violent  among  thy  people,  who  do  wickedly  against 
the  covenant.” 

In  spite,  however,  of  these  passionate  outbursts  of 
indignation,  we  must  not  infer  that  Ben  Sira  in  any 
way  aspired  to  the  role  of  social  reformer.  In  the  first 
place,  Ben  Sira  was,  as  already  hinted  at,  a savant  and 
a man  of  the  world.  Unlike  the  later  Rabbis,  who 
taught  that  the  study  of  the  Torah  without  a handicraft 


KO 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


must  fail  in  the  end,  and  become  the  cause  of  sin,  and 
were  even  proud  of  the  fact  that  Hillel,  the  President 
of  the  Sanhedrin,  began  life  as  a wood-chopper,  Ben 
Sira  believed  leisure  to  be  indispensable  for  the  acqui- 
sition of  wisdom.  For  it  is  only  “ the  man  devoid  of 
occupation  who  shall  become  wise.”  He  will 

Seek  out  the  wisdom  of  all  the  ancients  ; 

And  will  be  occupied  in  prophecies. 

He  will  serve  among  great  men, 

And  appear  before  him  that  ruleth. 

He  will  travel  through  the  land  of  strange  nations 
(39:  3-4)- 

But  serving  among  the  great  and  mixing  with 
courtiers  and  travelling  require  leisure  and  freedom 
from  what  Ben  Sira  would  have  called  “ the  sordid 
cares  of  existence.”  He  could  thus  hardly  have  dis- 
owned a class  which  by  means  of  its  wealth  enjoyed 
the  privileges  so  dear  to  his  heart. 

In  the  second  place,  Ben  Sira  was  a highly  con- 
servative gentleman,  and  entertained  little  doubt  of 
the  dogma  of  “ the  sacredness  of  property.”  It  is 
true  that  he  had  a strong  suspicion  that  large  fortunes 
are  not  always  made  in  the  most  desirable  way. 

He  that  pursues  after  gold  shall  not  be  innocent  . . . 

For  it  is  a stumbling  block  to  a fool  (31 : 5,  7). 

Still  his  doctrine  was: 

Good  things  and  evil,  life  and  death, 

Poverty  and  riches,  are  from  the  Lord  (n  : 14). 

Riches  and  poverty  being  thus  alike  meted  out  by 
Heaven,  every  human  effort  toward  bringing  about  a 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


81 


radical  reform  in  this  respect  must  prove  idle  and  vain. 
With  many  a Jewish  philosopher  he  probably  thought 
that  every  society  has  the  rich  it  deserves. 

“When  the  Lord”,  says  Alcharizi,  “is  wroth 
against  a community,  he  gives  wealth  to  the  wicked 
and  those  who  shut  their  hands  ; when  he  loves  them, 
he  bestows  it  on  the  best  and  most  noble-minded.” 

The  only  remedies  which  Ben  Sira  offers  against 
the  evils  bound  to  come  with  such  a state  of  society,  are 
charity  and  liberality  on  the  side  of  the  rich,  and 
modesty  and  resignation  on  the  side  of  the  poor.  To 
the  former  (the  rich  man)  he  says  : 

He  that  gives  to  the  poor  lendeth  to  the  Lord, 

And  who  rewardeth  but  he?  (35  : 11 — gloss). 

Or : 

Be  as  a father  to  the  orphans, 

And  instead  of  a husband  to  the  widows. 

And  God  shall  call  thee  son, 

And  shall  be  gracious  to  thee  (4:  10). 

But  almsgiving  alone  is  not  sufficient,  for 

The  gift  of  a fool  shall  not  profit  thee. 

He  will  give  little  and  upbraid  much, 

And  he  will  open  his  mouth  like  a crier  (20  : 14,  15). 

In  accordance  with  the  Rabbinic  sentiment,  that 
charity  is  rewarded  only  in  proportion  to  the  gracious- 
ness which  accompanies  it,20  Ben  Sira  gives  the  in- 
struction : 

My  son,  to  thy  good  deeds  add  no  blemish, 

And  no  grief  of  words  in  any  way  of  giving. 

Shall  not  the  dew  assuage  the  scorching  heat  ? 

So  is  a word  better  than  a gift  (18:  15-16). 

The  rich  man  also  receives  the  solemn  warning, 


82 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


that  accumulation  of  wealth  by  means  of  oppressing 
the  poor  will  be  speedily  avenged  by  a righteous  God. 
For 

He  that  buildeth  his  house  with  other  men’s  money, 

Is  like  one  that  gathereth  himself  stones  for  the  tomb 
of  his  burial  (21 : 8). 

Nor  will  church  windows  or  any  other  donations 
atone  for  his  iniquities,  for 

Whoso  bringeth  an  offering  of  the  goods  of  the  poor, 

Doeth  as  one  that  killeth  the  son  before  his  father’s 
eyes  (34  : 18). 

To  the  latter  (the  poor)  Ben  Sira  gives  the  counsel : 

With  little  or  much  be  well  satisfied  (29  : 23), 
since 

Better  is  the  life  of  a poor  man  under  shelter  of  logs, 

Than  sumptuous  fare  in  another  man's  house  (29  : 22). 

And  far  from  considering  poverty  a vice, — as  Renan 
somewhere  imputes  to  Judaism, — Ben  Sira  perceives 
in  it,  as  in  all  manner  of  suffering,  a discipline  : 

For  gold  is  tried  in  the  fire, 

And  acceptable  men  in  the  furnace  of  adversity  (2  : 5). 

Hence,  as  in  other  cases  of  suffering,  the  only  safe- 
guards against  it  are  patience  and  confidence  in  God, 
or,  as  Ben  Sira  expresses  it, 

Accept  whatsoever  is  brought  upon  thee  ; 

And  be  long-suffering  in  the  changes  of  thy  humiliation. 

Put  thy  trust  in  him  and  he  will  help  thee  (2:  4,  6). 

I described  Ben  Sira  as  “a  man  of  the  world.” 
But  no  reproach  was  meant  by  it.  All  that  this 
epithet  implies  is,  that  Ben  Sira  represented  a type 
of  mind  which,  lacking  both  ignorance  and  en- 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


83 


thusiasm,  made  him  sadly  unfit  for  the  role  of 
social  reformer.  He  may  perhaps  be  best  described 
as  a gentleman  of  the  old  school.  In  religion  the 
doctrines  of  the  Prophets  were  good  enough  for  him, 
and  he  would,  as  we  have  seen,  discourage  eveiy  theo- 
logical speculation  on  “ things  hidden,”  as  imperti- 
nent inquisitiveness.  In  politics  the  only  principle 
he  would  urge  was  strict  honesty  and  forbearance,  for, 
as  he  says, 

Sovereignty  is  transferred  from  nation  to  nation 
Because  of  iniquities,  pride,  and  greed  of  money  (10  : 8). 

Otherwise,  as  we  can  see  from  his  panegyrics,  he 
revered  “the  powers  that  be,”  and  as  a good  conser- 
vative probably  believed  them  to  be  meek  and  honest. 


Whether  Ben  Sira  would  have  been  quite  welcome 
in  the  circles  of  those  known  to  history  by  the  name 
of  Chasidim,  or  Saints,  is  rather  doubtful.  They 
certainly  need  not  have  been  ashamed  of  the  man 
whose  maxim  was 

Flee  from  sin  as  from  the  face  of  a serpent  (21 : 2). 

But  if  it  be  true,  as  some  historians  maintain,  that 
the  saints  of  that  period  were  given  to  an  ascetic  life, 
they  could  not  have  been  very  eager  for  the  com- 
pany of  one  who,  as  we  shall  see  presently,  mani- 
fested a great  predilection  for  the  good  things  of  this 
world.  If  this  was  the  case,  I can  only  be  sorry  for 
them.  But  their  loss  is  our  gain.  For  it  is  precisely 


84 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


this  touch  of  worldliness  in  Ben  Sira  which  affords  us 
that  glimpse  of  the  social  life  of  his  time  for  which 
there  is  very  little  room  in  the  work  of  a mere  saint. 

The  diary  of  the  somewhat  profane  Pepys — to 
give  an  instance  near  at  hand — is  both  amusing  and 
instructive,  whilst  the  jottings  of  the  godly  Nehemiah 
Wallington  are  certainly  more  edifying,  but  withal 
dull  and  unprofitable  reading  for  the  historian. 

Ben  Sira  was  not  profane,  but  he  had  a special 
weakness  for  a good  dinner,  declaring  that 

Him  that  is  liberal  of  his  meats  the  lips  shall  bless, 

And  the  testimony  of  his  excellence  shall  be  believed 
(3i : 23). 

With  our  present  object  in  hand  we  cannot  do  bet- 
ter than  accompany  him  to  this  important  social  func- 
tion. I call  it  a function,  for  a dinner  in  Jerusalem  to 
which  guests  were  invited  was  quite  a solemn  affair, 
thought  it  never  assumed  the  sad  and  sacramental 
character  which  distinguishes  our  banquets.  The 
first  duty  to  be  performed  would  be  to  appoint  by  lot 
or  election  a chairman,  or  “head  of  the  banquet 
house.” 

The  election  to  this  office  carried  with  it,  as  it 
seems,  a certain  dignity,  of  which  vain  men  were  not 
a little  proud.  For,  among  the  petty  conceits  of  which 
a man  should  not,  according  to  the  advice  of  an  old 
Rabbi,  boast  to  his  wife,  lest  she  despise  him  in  her 
heart,  is  also  this,  that  he  should  not  go  home  and 
say  unto  his  wife,  “I  have  been  made  the  ruler  of  the 
feast.”21  The  injunction  of  Ben  Sira, 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


85 


Have  they  made  thee  ruler  of  a feast  ? 

Be  not  lifted  up  (32  : 1), 

points  to  the  same  fact. 

What  the  particular  function  of  this  ruler  was  is 
not  clearly  stated,  but,  as  far  as  we  can  gather  from 
Ben  Sira  and  succeeding  Rabbinic  sources,  it  con- 
sisted in  arranging  the  seats,  or  rather  couches,  super- 
intending all  the  preparations,  and  doing  the  honours 
of  the  occasion : 

Take  thought  for  them  and  then  lie  down, 

Supply  their  wants  and  afterwards  recline, 

That  thou  mayest  rejoice  in  their  honour  (32 : 1,  2). 22 

It  is  not  impossible  that  he  had  also  to  draw  up  a 
list  of  the  guests  to  be  invited,  since  we  know  from  a 
later  source  that  “the  men  of  a refined  mind’’  in 
Jerusalem  never  accepted  an  invitation,  unless  they 
knew  beforehand  the  names  of  those  who  were  to  be 
their  fellow-guests.23  The  hour  for  dining  seems  to 
coincide,  in  the  Rabbinic  age  at  least,  with  that  of  the 
Romans,  namelyeleven  o’clock  in  the  morning.24  The 
guests  were  expected  to  appear  some  time  before, 
when  they  were  taken  to  the  vestibule,  to  wait  there 
for  their  friends,  and  be  treated  to  refreshments.  In 
Jerusalem  the  fashion  was  to  pass,  round  three  courses 
of  refreshments,  during  which  time  a flag  was  hoisted 
on  the  front  of  the  house,  as  a signal  for  the  guests  to 
appear.  With  the  removal  of  the  flag  after  the  third 
course  of  refreshments,  the  “ten  minutes  of  grace’’ 
were  over,  and  the  assembled  guests  entered  the  din- 
ing hall.  This  was  furnished  with  couches  and  small 


86 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


tables,  in  the  arrangement  of  which  more  heed  was 
paid,  I believe,  to  the  rules  of  precedence  than  to 
those  of  comfort.  The  Talmud  has  a regular  “ order 
of  the  table,”  which  is  exceedingly  interesting,25  and 
should  be  studied  in  connexion  with  corresponding 
matter  in  Marquardt’s  Privatleben  der  Romer.  Here 
we  must  confine  ourselves  chiefly  to  Ben  Sira. 

As  to  the  menu,  Ben  Sira  tells  us  “the  chief  thing 
for  life  is  water  and  bread”  (29:21).  This  is  rather  too 
frugal.  More  satisfactory  is  another  passage,  in  which 
among  “the  things  necessary  for  life”  are  given  “salt 
and  flour  of  wheat  and  honey  and  milk  and  the  blood 
of  grapes  and  oil”  (39:  26).  One  would  not  starve 
on  this,  but,  as  a fact,  the  Jews  were  not  limited  to  a 
vegetarian  diet  on  “good  days.”  The  general  rule 
was  “no  festive  dinner  without  meat.”  In  Jerusalem 
in  particular  the  butchers  were  also  employed  as 
caterers,  and  heavily  fined  if  the  bill  of  fare  did  not 
answer  the  conditions  under  which  the  banquet  was 
entrusted  to  them.26  Nor  was  quantity  a sole  condi- 
tion,- for,  as  Ben  Sira  shrewdly  remarks, 

The  throat  devours  ever}'  meat, 

Yet  one  meat  is  more  pleasant  than  another  (36  : 23), 

whilst  in  another  place  he  tells  us : 

Not  all  is  good  for  all, 

Not  every  soul  chooses  every  kind  (37  : 28). 

Quality  and  variety  apparently  are  also  insisted 
upon.  We  even  have  it  on  record  that  a grateful 
guest  was  expected  to  admire  the  various  kinds  of 
wine  which  were  placed  before  him,  and  the  different 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA  87 


sorts  of  pastry  and  meats  of  which  he  had  a choice,27 
and  it  is  to  be  assumed  that  the  host  on  his  part  was 
expected  to  do  his  best  to  deserve  the  compliment. 
A feast  thus  meant  by  no  means  a fast.  What  Ben 
Sira  would  urge  would  be  gentlemanly  behaviour  and 
temperance.  Here  are  a few  of  his  injunctions 

Sittest  thou  at  the  table  of  the  great,  be  not  greedy  upon  it, 
And  say  not,  many  are  the  things  upon  it. 

Stretch  not  thine  hand  whithersoever  it  [the  eye]  looketh, 
And  thrust  not  thyself  with  it  into  the  dish, 

Consider  thy  neighbour’s  liking  by  thine  own ; 

And  be  discreet  in  every  point. 

Eat  as  becometh  a man  those  things  which  are  set  before 
thee ; 

And  eat  not  greedily,  lest  thou  be  hated. 

Be  first  to  leave  off  for  manners’  sake, 

And  be  not  insatiable,  lest  thou  offend. 

And  if  thou  sittest  among  many, 

Reach  not  out  thy  hand  before  them  (31 : 12,  14-18). 

Be  not  insatiable  for  every  luxury 
And  be  not  effuse  in  all  dainties. 

For  in  much  luxury  resteth  sickness; 

By  intemperance  many  perish  utterly, 

But  he  that  taketh  heed  shall  add  to  life  (37  : 29-31). 

Another  rule  of  Ben  Sira’s  is : “At  the  time  of 
the  table  multiply  not  words,”  28  which  the  Talmud 
paraphrases:  “ They  talk  not  during  meals.”  It  is 
thus  to  be  supposed  that  the  gaieties  did  not  begin 
till  the  actual  eating  was  over.  First,  however,  the 
toasts  had  to  be  given  in  honour  of  the  host  and  the 
more  important  guests.  A good  number  of  these 
have  come  down  to  us  from  Jewish  antiquity.  They 
are  mostly  of  a homiletic  nature,  but  they  all  have  the 
virtue  of  brevity.29 


88 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


The  obscure  lines  in  Ben  Sira  addressed  to  the 
“ruler  of  the  feast,”  “for  good  manners  thou  shalt 
receive  favour”  (32:  2),  may  perhaps  be  construed  to 
mean  something  similar  to  our  vote  of  thanks  to  the 
chairman.  More  probably,  however,  the  Hebrew 
text  in  this  place  is  corrupt,  and  should  read,  as 
partly  suggested  by  the  Greek, 

That  thou  mayest  receive  a crown  for  thy  well-ordering 

(32  ; 2). 

Some  of  the  sources  seem  to  hint  at  a custom, 
that  the  man  honoured  with  saying  the  grace  crowned 
himself  with  a wreath  for  this  function.  The  Hebrew 
formula  picturing  the  saints  in  the  world  to  come  as 
sitting  with  wreaths  on  their  heads  and  feasting  on 
the  glory  of  the  Divine  Presence,  also  points  to  the 
popularity  of  this  adornment  among  the  Jews. 
Should  the  custom  just  mentioned  date  back  as  far  as 
200  b.  c.  E.,  we  might  perceive  in  the  crown  of  Ben 
Sira  a preparation  for  reading  the  grace  after  the 
meal,  which  also  fell  within  the  duties  of  the  ruler  of 
the  feast.30 

When  toasts  and  grace  were  over,  the  gaieties 
began.  These  consisted  in  the  joys  of  the  cup  and 
in  listening  to  music.  The  Biblical  term  nn^D,  liter- 
ally, drinking,  for  feast  or  banquet,  shows  the  import- 
ant part  wine  played  on  such  occasions.  Ben  Sira 
and  his  generation  must  have  had  a special  fondness 
for  “the  blood  of  the  grape,”  which  he  defines,  as  we 
have  seen,  as  one  of  “the  necessaries  of  life.”  Thus 
Ben  Sira  exclaims : 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA  89 


What  life  is  there  to  him  who  is  without  wine  ? 

It  was  from  the  beginning  created  for  joy  (31  : 27). 

And  again  he  says : 

Joy  of  heart,  gladness,  and  an  ornament 
Is  wine  in  its  time  and  proper  season  (31 : 28). 

Indeed,  it  would  seem  that  Ben  Sira  was  so  eager  for 
the  full  enjoyment  of  the  liquid  “that  gladdens  God  and 
men,”  that  he  would  advise  men  to  avoid  anything 
which  might  prove  a disturbing  element.  His  words 
are : 

Rebuke  not  thy  neighbour  at  a banquet  of  wine, 

Neither  set  him  at  naught  in  his  mirth  : 

Speak  not  unto  him  a word  of  reproach, 

And  press  not  upon  him  by  asking  him  back  a debt  (31:  31). 

But  please  notice  the  qualification  of  time  and  season, 
whilst  in  another  place  Ben  Sira  also  insists  on  meas- 
ure. For  the  abuse  of  wine,  as  for  the  abuse  of  food, 
Ben  Sira  has  only  words  of  condemnation : 

A workman  that  is  a drunkard  shall  not  become  rich. 

He  that  loveth  flesh  shall  inherit  poverty  (19 : i), 

whilst  in  another  passage  he  says 

Show  not  thyself  valiant  in  wine  ; 

For  wine  hath  destroyed  many  (31 : 25). 

Drunkenness  increaseth  the  rage  of  a fool  unto  his  hurt ; 

It  diminisheth  strength  and  addeth  wounds  (31  : 30). 

Indeed,  next  to  sexual  immorality,  there  is  noth- 
ing which  Ben  Sira  abhors  more  than  drunkenness. 
For 

Wine  and  vice  will  make  a man  of  understanding  fall  away 
(T9 = 2) 

(namely,  from  God). 

Yet  Ben  Sira  advocated  only  temperance  and  mod- 


9° 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


eration,  not  total  abstinence.  With  his  hero,  Simon 
the  Just,  he  might  in  exceptional  cases  approve  per- 
haps of  a man  taking  the  vows  of  the  Nazarite,  who 
had  to  refrain  from  all  intoxicating  drinks.31  But  he 
would  certainly  never  have  allowed  the  constitution 
of  an  ascetic  order  to  become  the  rule  of  the  nation 
at  large.  As  of  iron,  salt,  and  other  useful  and  indis- 
pensable articles,  he  says  also  of  wine : 

All  these  things  for  good  to  the  godly, 

So  to  the  sinner  they  shall  be  turned  into  evil  (39  : 27). 

The  wine  was  accompanied  by  music.  The  enjoy- 
ment of  a concert  on  festive  occasions  was  not  a post- 
exilic  invention.  “Woe  unto  those,”  we  read  in 
Isaiah,  “that  continue  until  night  till  wine  inflame 
them.  And  the  harp  and  the  viol,  the  tabret  and  the 
pipe,  and  wine  are  in  their  feasts”  (5:  12).  But 
whilst  the  prophet  protested,  as  they  were  probably 
then  a source  of  abuse,  Ben  Sira  thoroughly  relished 
such  performances,  for 

As  a signet  of  carbuncle  in  a setting  of  gold, 

So  is  a concert  of  music  in  a banquet  of  wine. 

As  a signet  of  emerald  in  a work  of  gold, 

So  is  a strain  of  music  with  pleasant  wine  (32  : 5-6). 

There  is  a story  in  the  Talmud  of  a Rabbi  who 
gave  a dinner  to  his  pupils,  and  who  felt  rather  un- 
comfortable because  of  their  shyness.  Whereupon 
he  said  to  his  servant,  “Give  wine  to  the  young  men, 
that  they  may  break  their  silence.”  32  We  may  thus 
imagine  that  also  in  the  times  of  Ben  Sira  the  wine 
served  as  a signal  for  the  opening  of  the  conversation. 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


9i 


His  remarks  in  this  respect  are  not  uninteresting. 
There  is  first  the  venerable,  serene,  and  sedate  elder, 
but  liable  to  become  serious  and  heavy.  To  him  Ben 
Sira  says : 

Speak,  O elder,  for  it  becometh  thee. 

And  be  modestly  wise  and  hinder  not  song. 

In  a place  for  wine  pour  not  forth  talk. 

Wherefore  shouldst  thou  be  overwise  out  of  season?  (32  : 
3-4). 

These  lines  recall  strongly  a saying  in  later  Rab- 
binic literature  to  the  following  effect : “Three  things 
make  man  popular  with  his  fellow-creatures — an  open 
hand,  a free  table,  and  a little  gaiety.”  33 

There  is  also  the  assertive  youth  attending,  per- 
haps, his  first  banquet,  and  rather  inclined  to  monopo- 
lise the  conversation.  To  him  Ben  Sira’s  counsel  is  : 

Speak,  young  man,  if  thou  must, 

With  an  effort,  if  he  asks  thee  twice  or  thrice. 

Compress  the  word  and  diminish  it  exceedingly  (32  : 7-8). 

He  also  gives  him  the  gentle  hint,  that  it  is  modesty 
and  blushing  which  will  endear  him  to  his  elders  for 

Before  hail  spreadeth  lightning, 

And  before  one  that  is  shamefaced  favour  (32 : 10). 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  the  bore  of  superior 
airs,  who  is  constantly  in  fear  of  committing  himself, 
and  tries  to  impose  by  his  silence.  Him  Ben  Sira 
would  address  with  the  words  : 

Refrain  not  from  speech  in  season, 

And  hide  not  thy  wisdom  for  the  sake  of  fair-seeming 
(4:  23). 

The  most  unbearable  bore  is  he  who  never  sees  a 
point : 


92 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


He  that  telleth  a tale  to  a fool,  speaketh  to  one  in  slumber, 
When  he  hath  told  his  tale,  he  will  say,  what  is  it?  (22  : 8). 

Yet  it  must  not  be  thought  that  Ben  Sira  was  blind 
to  the  evils  of  the  tongue.  None  perhaps  warned 
against  them  more  emphatically  than  he.  To  be 
saved  from  them  man  requires  special  assistance  from 
Heaven,  for  which  Ben  Sira  prays  in  the  following 
words  : 

Who  shall  set  a watch  over  my  mouth, 

And  a seal  of  shrewdness  upon  my  lips, 

That  I fall  not  suddenly  by  them,  and  that  my  tongue  de- 
stroy me  not?  (22:  27). 

O Lord,  Father  and  Master  of  my  life, 

Abandon  me  not  to  their  counsel  : 

Suffer  me  not  to  fall  by  them  (23  : 1). 

The  pitfalls  set  by  the  tongue  are  slandering,  lying, 
perjuring,  backbiting,  betraying  a friend’s  secret,  and 
the  uttering  of  obscene  words.  Nay,  the  very  thought 
of  things  impure  is  sinful  and  defiling.  Hence  Ben 
Sira’s  exclamation : 

Who  will  set  scourges  over  my  thought ; 

And  a discipline  of  wisdom  over  mine  heart? 

That  they  spare  me  not  for  mine  ignorances, 

And  my  heart  pass  not  by  their  sins  (23  : 2). 

But  even  in  the  speech  without  sin  Ben  Sira  is  con- 
stantly recommending  caution,  discretion,  and  reti- 
cence : 

Lo,  thou  surround  thy  vineyard  with  a hedge, 

And  make  a door  and  bar  for  thy  mouth  (28  : 24). 

Hast  thou  heard  a word,  let  it  die  with  thee, 

Take  courage,  it  will  not  burst  thee  (19  : 10). 

Indeed,  the  difference  between  the  fool  and  the  wise 


man  is : 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


93 


The  heart  of  fools  is  in  their  mouth  ; 

But  the  mouth  of  wise  men  is  in  their  heart  (21  : 26). 

The  effusive  gentleman  would  thus  have  been  out  of 
place  at  a banquet  in  Jerusalem.  But 

Wine  and  music  rejoice  the  heart, 

But  the  love  of  friends  is  above  them  both  (40 : 20). 


“Friendship  or  death”  was  an  old  Jewish  proverb, 
and  no  sacrifice  was  considered  too  great  to  obtain 
friendship.34  “Acquire  for  thyself  a friend  or  a com- 
panion” is  the  injunction  of  Joshua  ben  Perachyah, 
who  lived  before  our  era,  but  the  comment  given  on 
it  by  the  Rabbis  of  later  generations  is  : Let  a man 
buy  himself  a friend  who  will  eat  and  drink  with  him, 
who  will  study  with  him  the  written  and  the  oral  law, 
and  to  whom  he  will  entrust  all  his  secrets  both  of  a 
spiritual  and  a secular  nature.35  Ben  Sira,  however, 
the  man  of  the  world,  and  apparently  of  much  experi- 
ence, which  alone,  as  he  maintains,  saved  him  from 
“ danger  even  unto  death,”  brought  about  “by  cun- 
ning lips  and  weavers  of  lies,”  is  less  effusive,  and 
even  inclined  to  suspicion.  His  counsel  is: 

Separate  thyself  from  thy  enemies, 

And  beware  of  thy  friends  (6  : 13). 

Still  he  in  no  way  undervalued  the  blessing  of  true 
friendship,  and  he  tells  us, 

A faithful  friend  is  balm  of  life, 

He  that  feareth  God  shall  obtain  him  (6  : 16), 

only  he  would  advise  to  caution,  till  the  friend  is  tried 
and  found  not  wanting  : 


94 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


As  new  wine  so  is  a new  friend. 

If  it  becomes  thee,  thou  shalt  drink  it  with  gladness  (9  10). 
What  one  has  mainly  to  guard  against  in  the  acquir- 
ing of  new  friends  is  the  tendency  toward  selfishness, 
sacrificing  all  to  its  own  ends.  Hence 

Let  thyself  beware  of  a counsellor, 

And  know  before  what  is  his  interest  (37  : 8). 

Very  interesting  is  Ben  Sira’s  counsel  as  to  those 
from  whom  we  should  not  take  advice  : 

Take  not  counsel  with  a woman  about  her  rival ; 

Neither  with  a coward  about  war  ; 

Nor  with  a merchant  about  exchange  ; 

Nor  with  a buyer  about  selling  ; 

Nor  with  an  envious  man  about  thankfulness  ; 

Nor  with  an  unmerciful  man  about  kindliness  ; 

Nor  with  a sluggard  about  any  kind  of  work  ; 

Nor  with  a hireling  in  thy  house  about  finishing  his  work ; 
Nor  with  an  idle  servant  about  much  business  (37:11  etseq.). 

Prudence  and  foresight  do  not  exclude  charita- 
bleness and  kindness  toward  the  bulk  of  mankind. 
At  least  they  were  compatible  enough  in  the  view  of 
Ben  Sira,  who  teaches  : 

Forgive  thy  neighbour  the  hurt  that  he  has  done  thee, 

And  then  thy  sins  shall  be  pardoned  when  thou  prayest. 
Man  cherishes  anger  against  man, 

And  does  he  seek  healing  from  the  Lord  ? 

Upon  a man  like  himself  he  hath  no  mercy, 

And  does  he  make  supplication  for  his  sins?  (28  : 2-3). 

The  same  thought  is  expressed  in  Rabbinic  literature 
by  the  words  : He  only  who  is  merciful  with  man- 
kind may  expect  mercy  from  Heaven.36  Such  senti- 
ments alone  should  suffice  to  discharge  Ben  Sira  from 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


95 


the  guilt  of  selfishness  and  cynicism  brought  against 
him  by  a certain  school. 

But  a friend  and  partner  behave  as  occasion  requires, 

And  a prudent  wife  is  above  them  (40  : 23). 

The  prudent  woman  or  the  good  woman  is  the  con- 
stant theme  of  Ben  Sira’s  praises,  as  he  never  gets 
tired  of  enlarging  upon  the  evils  of  the  bad  woman  or 
the  foolish  woman. 


The  fraternity  of  bachelors  was  not  popular  with 
the  Jews,  the  Talmud  speaking  of  the  wifeless  man 
as  deficient  in  humanity,  whilst  Ben  Sira  stigmatises 
him  as  a vagabond,  wandering  up  and  down.  One  of 
the  two  types  of  women  a man  was  thus  bound  to 
have.  The  latter  (the  bad  woman)  was  considered  a 
punishment  of  God,  “ which  shall  fall  to  the  lot  of  the 
sinner,”  the  former  (the  good  wife)  was  looked  upon 
as  a blessing  from  Heaven  and  the  reward  of  “ such 
as  fear  the  Lord.” 

How  far  heiresses  were  fashionable  in  ancient  Jeru- 
salem it  is  difficult  to  say.  At  present  I can  recall 
one  case,  of  Joshua  ben  Gamala,  whose  fiancee , the 
millionairess  Maratta  bath  Boethus,  bought  for  him, 
from  Agrippa  II,  the  commission  of  high  priest.  But 
it  must  be  owned  that  he  made  good  use  of  his  oppor- 
tunities, for  it  was  this  Joshua  who  introduced  com- 
pulsory education  for  children  from  the  age  of  six  and 
upward.37  Still,  both  the  Rabbis  and  Ben  Sira  con- 


96 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


demned  such  marriages  as  unworthy  and  degrading. 
The  words  of  the  latter  are  : 

There  is  anger  and  impudence  and  great  reproach 
If  a woman  maintains  her  husband  (25  : 22) 

The  considerations  which  should  weigh  with  a man  in 
the  choice  of  a wife  are,  according  to  Ben  Sira,  noble 
descent,  beauty,  modesty,  thrift,  and  faithfulness.  For 

A silent  and  loving  woman  is  a gift  from  the  Lord, 

And  there  is  nothing  so  much  worth  as  a well-instructed 
soul. 

As  the  sun  when  it  arises  in  the  highest  places  of  the  Lord, 

So  is  the  beauty  of  a good  wife  in  the  ordering  of  a man’s 
house  (26 : 14,  16), 

whilst  her  devotion  to  religion  is  described  as  follows  .- 

Eternal  foundations  on  solid  rock, 

And  the  laws  of  God  in  the  heart  of  a saintly  woman. 38 

Another  consideration  with  Ben  Sira,  as  with  the 
later  Rabbis,  is  Din',  or  noble  pedigree,  for 

So  thy  race  which  thou  lovest  shall  be  magnified, 

Having  the  confidence  of  their  good  descent  (26  -.  21). 

Good  descent,  however,  is  not  everything,  as  chil- 
dren given  to  haughtiness  and  extravagance  “do 
stain  the  nobility  of  their  kindred.”  To  insure  “the 
goodness  of  the  stock”  a sound  education  is  indis- 
pensable. In  the  times  of  Ben  Sira  this  was  still  left 
entirely  to  the  father.  According  to  the  Rabbis  the 
main  duties  of  a father  toward  his  son  consisted  in 
instructing  him  in  the  Torah,  bringing  him  into  wed- 
lock, and  teaching  him  a trade,  or,  to  be  more  accu- 
rate, teaching  him  a handicraft.39  Ben  Sira,  in  accord- 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


97 


ance  with  his  low  opinion  of  labour  omits  the  third 
duty,  and  says : 

Hast  thou  sons,  instruct  them, 

And  marry  wives  to  them  in  their  youth  (7  : 23). 

But  instruction  was  a serious  business,  and  could 
not,  in  the  view  of  Ben  Sira,  be  successfully  carried 
out  without  the  aid  of  cane  and  rod : 

Bow  down  his  neck  in  his  youth, 

And  smite  his  loins,  when  he  is  a little  one  (30  : 12). 
Hethat  loveth  his  son  causeth  him  oft  to  feel  the  rod  (30:1). 

This  is,  of  course,  in  accordance  with  the  sentiment 
expressed  so  often  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs  and  in 
other  parts  of  the  Old  Testament.  But  this  fact  in 
no  way  relieves  the  severity  of  such  a passage  as 

Play  with  him  and  he  will  grieve  thee  ; 

Laugh  not  with  him,  lest  thou  have  sorrow  with  him 
(30:  9,  10). 

With  Ben  Sira,  as  it  would  seem,  the  child  is  neither 
an  angel  nor  a devil,  but  a mere  mischievous  animal. 
Hence  his  simile : 

An  unbroken  horse  becomes  stubborn, 

And  a son  left  at  large  becometh  headstrong  (30 : 8). 

Not  less  severe  was  the  education  of  girls,  though 
they  are  never  mentioned  in  connexion  with  the  in- 
fliction of  corporal  punishment.  This  decency  prob- 
ably forbade.  The  more  strict  was  the  watch  kept 
over  them.  Ben  Sira’s  maxim  was : 

Hast  thou  daughters,  guard  them  (7 : 24). 

The  education  of  a girl  tended  mainly,  to  judge 


98 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


from  various  Rabbinic  sources,  toward  making  a good 
housewife  of  her;  and  consisted  in  enabling  her  to 
attain  such  accomplishments  as  weaving,  spinning, 
cooking,  baking,  nursing,  and  arranging  the  furniture.40 
These  were,  indeed,  the  services  a woman  had  to  do 
for  her  husband.  Of  course,  it  was  a question  of 
means,  and  the  ability  to  keep  servants  might  re- 
lieve her  from  some  of  the  more  onerous  duties. 
But  work  of  the  lighter  kind  was  insisted  on  even 
with  the  richest,  as  the  best  remedy  against  whims 
and  morbidness.  The  choice  of  a husband  was 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  parents,  and  success  in 
obtaining  good  matches  for  one’s  offspring  was  a 
source  of  congratulation. 

Give  away  a daughter,  and  thou  shalt  have  accomplished 
a great  work, 

But  join  her  to  a man  of  understanding  (7 : 25). 

In  later  Jewish  literature  daughters  are  spoken  of 
as  the  winged  birds  taking  flight  after  their  husbands 
when  married.41  The  hope  of  the  family  thus  reposed 
in  the  male  line.  The  filial  duties  were  many  and 
arduous,  the  son  being  bound  to  maintain  his  parents 
in  their  old  age  and  to  serve  them.  But  he  was  also 
expected  to  continue  the  traditions  of  the  family,  be- 
coming heir  to  its  feuds  and  its  alliances.  It  was  a 
special  comfort  when  a father 

Left  behind  him  an  avenger  against  his  enemies, 

And  one  to  requite  kindness  to  his  friends  (30 : 6). 

In  fact  the  immortality  of  whole  chains  of  progenitors 
was  invested  in  the  dear  boy,  for 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


99 


His  father  dieth  and  is  as  though  he  has  not  died, 
For  he  has  left  behind  him  one  like  himself  (30:  4). 


In  the  map  of  life  with  its  diversity  of  colours  mark- 
ing the  high-roads  of  our  earthly  career  with  their 
innumerable  by-ways  and  cross-ways,  there  is  ever 
facing  us  in  the  distance  a little  dark  spot  to  which  all 
roads  and  ways  converge.  The  distance  is  entirely  a 
relative  one,  varying  with  our  state  of  health,  our 
sweetness  of  temper,  and  the  disposition  of  our  mind, 
morbid  or  cheerful.  But  there  it  remains  ever  con- 
fronting us,  and  not  to  be  removed  out  of  sight  by 
any  variety  of  euphemism,  such  as  “haven  of  rest,” 
“land  of  peace,”  or  “a  better  world.”  Its  real  name 
is  Death. 

Our  sketch  of  life  in  ancient  Jerusalem  will  be 
more  than  incomplete,  unless  we  throw  a glance,  at 
least,  at  its  decline  toward  the  great  borderland. 

Death,  as  a rule,  is  preceded  by  illness,  and  we 
have  already  seen  the  important  part  assigned  to  the 
physician.  But  he  was  assisted  in  his  duties  by 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  community.  Ben  Sira’s 
injunction  is: 

Be  not  slow  to  visit  the  sick, 

For  through  this  thou  shalt  be  beloved  (7  : 35). 

This  duty  is  known  in  Rabbinic  literature  under  the 
term  Bikkur  Cliolim , visiting  the  sick,  which,  as  is 
clear  from  certain  injunctions  in  the  Talmud  in  con- 
nexion with  this  duty,42  included  in  the  case  of  need 


IOO 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


also  nursing  and  sweeping  the  room.  His  friends 
also  prayed  for  the  patient,  and  it  was  a part  of  their 
duty  to  remind  him  to  make  a will  and  confess 
his  sins,  “for  all  those  who  were  about  to  die 
had  to  confess  their  sins.’’  They  had  also  the  belief 
that  a confession  which  concluded  with  a prayer  for 
forgiveness  of  sins  might  bring  about  his  recovery. 
This  is,  as  is  clear  from  the  whole  context,  the  con- 
fession to  which  the  Apostle  James  refers  at  the  end 
of  his  Epistle.  Ben  Sira’s  counsel  to  the  sick  man  is : 

And  from  all  transgressions  cleanse  thy  heart  (38  : 10). 

Ben  Sira,  whatever  his  shortcomings  may  have  been, 
— indeed,  he  was  hardly  what  we  would  call  a sound 
theologian, — was  not  given  to  platitudes.  He  freely 
admits  that  death  is  a very  “bitter  remembrance” 
to  the  prosperous  man  of  great  possessions  and  a 
capacity  for  pleasure  (31  : 1).  Yet  it  had  no  terrors 
for  him,  for  he  regarded  it  not  in  the  light  of  a pun- 
ishment, but  in  that  of  a Divine  law,  which  has  to  be 
obeyed  and  fulfilled  with  the  same  submission  and 
devotion  as  any  law  in  the  Torah,  and  thus  he  says: 

Be  not  afraid  of  death,  thy  covenant. 

Remember  that  those  who  went  before,  and  they  which 
come  after  will  be  with  thee. 

This  is  the  portion  of  all  flesh  from  the  Lord, 

And  why  dost  thou  refuse  the  Torah  of  the  Most  High? 
(41  = 3-4)- 

When  death  entered,  the  funeral  ceremonies  began, 
which,  at  a later  period,  before  the  reform  of  Rabban 
Gamaliel,  were  costly  and  rather  showy.  They 
became  so  heavy  a tax,  that  sometimes  the  near- 


JEWISH  LIFE  IN  THE  TIME  OF  BEN  SIRA 


IOI 


est  relatives  would  take  to  flight,  leaving  the  corpora- 
tion to  take  care  of  the  dead  body.  Hence  Ben  Sira’s 
injunction : 

According  to  the  custom  bury  his  flesh, 

And  hide  not  thyself  when  they  die  (38  ; 16). 

The  mourning  lasted  seven  days,  in  which  friends 
and  acquaintances  were  expected  to  join  : 

Be  not  wanting  to  them  that  weep, 

And  mourn  with  them  that  mourn  (7  : 34). 

In  the  time  of  the  Rabbis  the  mourning  in  the  case 
of  parents  extended  over  twelve  months.  But  neither 
the  Rabbis  nor  Ben  Sira  approved  of  prolonged 
mourning  for  an  indefinite  period.  The  Rabbis  per- 
ceived in  it  a presumption  on  the  part  of  man  to  be 
more  merciful  than  God,43  whilst  Ben  Sira  thought  that 
we  ought  to  save  our  tears  for  greater  calamities  : 

Weep  for  the  dead,  for  light  hath  failed  him  > 

And  weep  for  a fool,  for  understanding  hath  failed  him. 

Weep  more  softly  for  the  dead,  because  he  hath  found 
rest  (22  : 11). 


Looking  back  at  this  life,  we  feel  that  for  the  most 
part  we  have  been  moving  in  a world  very  much  like 
ours,  guided  by  the  same  motives,  moved  by  the  same 
passions,  and  on  the  whole  striving  after  the  same 
ideals.  The  “ Sacred  Volume  ” tells  us  : “Say  not 
that  the  days  of  yore  were  better  than  these,”  for  it  is 
unwisdom  to  say  so.  The  lesson  to  be  derived  from 
Ben  Sira  is,  say  not  that  our  days  are  better  than  the 
days  of  yore,  for  it  is  ignorance  to  say  so. 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD1 


It  is  now  more  than  half  a century  since  Renan 
put  the  question,  “ Has  Jewish  tradition  anything  to 
teach  us  concerning  Jesus?”  This  question  must  be 
answered  in  the  negative.  As  far  as  the  contem- 
poraneous Jewish  literature  goes,  it  does  not  contain 
a single  reference  to  the  founder  of  Christianity.  All 
the  so-called  Anti-Christiana  collected  by  mediaeval 
fanatics,  and  freshened  up  again  by  modem  igno- 
ramuses, belong  to  the  later  centuries,  when  history 
and  biography  had  given  way  to  myth  and  speculation. 
Almost  every  Christian  sect,  every  Christian  com- 
munity, created  a Christ  after  its  own  image  or  dogma. 
The  Jewish  legend — a growth  of  those  later  centuries 
— gave  him  an  aspect  of  its  own,  purely  apocryphal  in 
its  character,  neither  meant  nor  ever  taken  by  the 
Jews  as  real  history. 

But  if  the  Rabbis  have  nothing  to  tell  us  about  the 
personality  of  Jesus,  Rabbinic  literature  has  a good 
deal  to  teach  us  about  the  times  in  which  he  lived  and 
laboured.  And  what  is  more  important  is  that  a 
thorough  study  of  this  literature  might,  with  due  dis- 
cretion, help  us  to  a better  understanding  of  the  writings 
attributed  to  Jesus  and  his  disciples.  To  prove  this 
by  a few  instances  will  be  the  aim  of  my  present 
lecture.  It  is  intended  as  an  invitation  to  fellow- 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


i°3 


students  to  devote  more  attention  to  a branch  of  litera- 
ture, from  the  study  of  which  the  Christian  divine 
might  derive  as  much  profit  as  the  Jewish  Rabbi. 

In  justice  to  by-gone  times,  it  should  be  pointed 
out  that  this  fact  had  by  no  means  escaped  the  search- 
ing eyes  of  Christian  scholars  of  previous  generations. 
They  both  recognised  the  importance  of  the  Talmud  for 
a better  knowledge  of  the  two  Testaments,  and  applied 
themselves  to  an  honest  study  of  its  contents.  As 
the  fruits  of  these  studies,  it  is  sufficient  to  mention 
here  the  Porta  Mosis  of  Pocock,  the  De  Synedriis  of 
Selden,  the  Horae  Rabbinicae  of  Lightfoot.  The  Cam- 
bridge Platonists  also  deserve  honourable  mention. 
These  great  and  hospitable  minds  extended  the  range 
of  their  literary  acquaintances  also  to  the  Rabbis,  and 
the  Select  Discourses  of  John  Smith,  and  the  Discourse 
on  the  Lord' s Supper  by  Cudworth,2  show  that  this 
acquaintance  was  by  no  means  a passing  one. 

All  the  names  just  given  belong  to  England,  but 
the  Continent  in  no  way  remained  behind.  The  names 
of  the  Continental  students  of  Rabbinism  are  duly  re- 
corded in  Zunz’s  Zur  Literatur  und  Geschichte , and  in 
other  bibliographical  works.  It  is  sufficient  to  mention 
the  name  of  Reuchlin,  who  saved  the  Talmud  from  the 
torch  which  a converted  Jew  was  about  to  apply  to  it ; 
the  two  Buxtorfs,  whose  works  bearing  on  Rabbinic 
literature  fill  pages  in  the  catalogues  of  the  British 
Museum;  and  Vitringa,  whose  books  on  Rabbinic 
topics  are  considered  by  the  best  scholars  as  classical 
pieces  of  work. 


104 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


However,  these  good  things  are  (as  already  indi- 
cated) a matter  of  the  past.  The  present  shows  a 
decided  deterioration.  Not  only  has  the  number  of 
students  devoting  themselves  to  Rabbinic  literature 
shrunk  to  a miserable  minimum,  but  the  quality  of  the 
work  produced  by  these  latter-day  students  is  such  as 
to  show  a distinct  decay,  among  the  very  few  praise- 
worthy exceptions  being,  for  instance,  the  theological 
works  of  Dr.  C.  Taylor.  No  student  who  is  interested 
in  the  constitution  of  the  ancient  Synagogue  dare 
neglect  Vitringa’s  De  Synagoga  vetere,  which  appeared 
in  the  year  1696;  but  he  would  certainly  lose  nothing 
by  omitting  to  read  most  of  the  productions  of  our 
own  centuiy  on  the  same  subject. 

The  causes  of  this  decay  are  not  to  be  sought  for 
far  off.  There  was  first  the  influence  of  Schleier- 
macher,  whose  interpretation  of  Christianity  formed, 
as  far  as  its  negative  side  is  concerned,  one  long 
strained  effort  to  divorce  it  from  Judaism.  “I  hate 
historic  relations  of  this  sort,”  he  exclaims  in  one 
place;  and  proceeds  to  say,  “every  religion  is  con- 
ditioned by  itself,  and  forms  an  eternal  necessity.” 
Schleiermacher’s  theory  of  the  origin  of  Christianity 
was,  as  is  well  known,  mainly  based  on  the  Johannine 
Gospel,  to  the  disparagement  of  the  Synoptics.  The 
German  Marcion  had  thus  every  reason  to  hate  his- 
tory. But  as  the  Talmud  still  reminded  the  world  of 
these  historical  relations,  Schleiermacher  and  his  school 
adopted  the  course  of  vulgar  parvenus , and  cut  the 
Rabbis  and  their  literary  remains.  The  second  cause 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


i°5 


of  this  decay  is  the  suspicion  thrown  on  all  Jewish 
tradition  by  the  higher  criticism.  Anybody  who  has 
ever  read  any  modern  Introductions  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment will  remember,  that  as  a rule  they  open  with  a 
reference  to  the  Rabbinic  account  of  the  rise  of  the 
Canon,  followed  by  a lengthy  exposition  showing  its 
utter  untrustworthiness.  To  make  matters  more 
complete,  efforts  were  made  to  disqualify  the  Rabbis 
from  bearing  witness  even  to  events  which  took  place 
when  the  Synagogue  was  a fully-established  institu- 
tion, administered  by  the  ancestors  of  the  Rabbis  in 
their  capacity  as  scribes  and  saints,  or  Chasidim.  I 
am  referring  to  the  controversy  as  to  the  existence  of 
the  so-called  Great  Synagogue,  commencing,  accord- 
ing to  tradition,  with  Ezra  the  Scribe,  and  succeeded 
by  a permanent  court,  consisting  of  seventy-one  mem- 
bers, called  Sanhedrin ; which  court  again  was,  ac- 
cording to  tradition,  presided  over  by  two  members, 
the  one  called  Nasi,  or  Prince-President,  whilst  the 
other  bore  the  title  of  Ab-Beth-Din,  Father  of  the 
Court  of  Justice,  or  Vice-President,  both  of  whom 
were  recruited  for  the  most  part  from  Pharisaic  circles. 
Modern  criticism,  mainly  on  the  strength  of  certain 
passages  in  Josephus  and  in  the  New  Testament, 
maintains  a negative  attitude  toward  these  accounts. 
The  questions  involved  are  too  important  and  too 
complicated  to  be  entered  upon  in  a casual  way.  We 
need  notice  only  the  following  fact.  This  is,  that  the 
doubts  regarding  the  traditional  account  of  the  consti- 
tution of  the  Sanhedrin  were  first  raised  in  this  century 


io6 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


by  Krochmal  in  the  “ forties,”  taken  up  again  by 
Kuenen  in  the  “sixties,”  to  be  followed  by  Well- 
hausen  in  the  “eighties.”  But  when  reading  their 
works  you  will  observe  that,  whilst  Krochmal  respect- 
fully questions  tradition,  and  Kuenen  enters  into  elab- 
orate examination  of  the  documents,  Wellhausen  sum- 
marily dismisses  them.  Matters  have  now,  indeed, 
come  to  such  a pass  that  the  principle  has  been  laid 
down,  that  it  is  not  necessary  to  have  a thorough 
knowledge  of  Rabbinic  literature  in  order  to  express 
an  opinion  about  its  merits  or  demerits.  It  is  prob- 
ably thought  that  we  may  condemn  it  by  mere  intui- 
tion It  is  impossible  to  argue  with  transcendental 
ignorance. 

Trusting  that  none  of  those  present  have  any  rea- 
son to  hate  history,  or  to  believe  in  the  superior  virtue 
of  ignorance,  I will  now  proceed  to  the  subject  of  my 
lecture. 

Let  me  first  state  the  fact  that  the  impression  con- 
veyed to  the  Rabbinic  student  by  the  perusal  of  the 
New  Testament  is  in  parts  like  that  gained  by  reading 
certain  Rabbinic  homilies.  On  the  very  threshold 
of  the  New  Testament  he  is  confronted  by  a gene- 
alogical table,3  a feature  not  uncommon  in  the  later 
Rabbinic  versions  of  the  Old  Testament,  which  are 
rather  fond  of  providing  Biblical  heroes  with  long  pedi- 
grees. They  are  not  always  accurate,  but  have  as  a 
rule  some  edifying  purpose  in  view.  The  Rabbis  even 
declare  that  the  Book  of  Chronicles,  with  its  long 
series  of  names,  has  no  other  purpose  than  that  of 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


107 


being  interpreted,4  that  is  to  say,  of  enabling  us  to 
derive  some  lesson  from  them.  In  the  fifth  chapter 
of  the  Sayings  of  the  Jewish  Fathers,  dealing  mostly 
with  round  numbers,  we  read  : “There  were  ten  gen- 
erations from  Noah  to  Abraham  to  make  known  how 
long-suffering  God  is.” 

In  the  second  chapter  of  Matthew  the  Rabbinic 
student  meets  with  many  features  known  to  him  from 
the  Rabbinic  narratives  about  the  birth  of  Abraham; 
the  story  of  the  Magi  in  particular  impresses  him  as  a 
homiletical  illustration  of  Num.  24:  17,  “There  shall 
come  a star  out  of  Jacob,”  which  star  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  Synagogue  referred  to  the  star  of  the 
Messiah.5  This  impression  grows  stronger  the  more 
we  advance  with  the  reading  of  the  Apostle’s  writings. 
Take,  for  instance,  Matt.  3:  9,  “Bring  forth  fruit 
worthy  of  repentance.”  This  verse,  like  so  many 
others  in  the  New  Testament  in  which  fruits  or  har- 
vest are  used  as  metaphors  or  similes  in  parables,  gains 
both  in  intensity  and  in  freshness  when  studied  in  con- 
nexion with  many  allegorical  interpretations  of  the 
Rabbis  in  which  the  produce  of  the  field  and  the 
vineyard  play  a similar  part.  One  or  two  instances 
will  not  be  uninteresting.  Thus,  with  reference  to 
Song  of  Songs  2 : 2,  “As  the  lily  among  the  thorns, 
so  is  my  love  among  the  daughters,”  a famous  Rabbi 
says : There  was  a king  who  had  a paradise  (or  gar- 
den), which  he  had  laid  out  with  rows  of  fig-trees, 
rows  of  vines,  and  rows  of  pomegranates.  He  put 
the  paradise  in  the  hands  of  a tenant,  and  left.  In 


io8 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


after  days  the  king  came  to  see  what  his  tenant  had 
accomplished.  He  found  the  garden  neglected,  and 
full  of  thorns  and  thistles.  He  then  brought  wood- 
cutters to  cut  it  down.  Suddenly  he  perceived  a lily. 
The  king  plucked  it,  and  smelled  it,  and  his  soul  re- 
turned upon  him.  He  turned  and  said,  “For  the 
sake  of  the  lily  the  garden  shall  be  saved.”  The  lily 
is  the  Congregation  of  Israel  ; intent  on  the  strength 
of  its  devotion  to  the  Torah,  it  saved  the  world  from 
the  destruction  to  which  the  generation  of  the  deluge 
had  condemned  it  by  their  wicked  deeds.6 

In  another  place,  however,  it  is  the  individual  who 
is  compared  to  the  lily.  Thus,  Song  of  Songs  6:  2, 
“ My  beloved  went  down  to  his  garden  to  gather  the 
lilies,”  is  applied  to  the  death  of  the  righteous,  whose 
departure  from  this  world  is  a gathering  of  flowers 
undertaken  by  God  himself,  who  is  the  beloved  one.7 

In  connexion  with  this  we  may  mention  another 
Rabbinic  parable,  in  which  the  wheat  takes  the  place 
of  the  lily.  It  is  given  as  an  illustration  of  Song  of 
Songs  7:  3,  and  Psalm  2 : 12.  The  Scriptural  words 
in  the  latter  place  are  "O  which  the  Rabbis  ex- 
plain to  mean  “kiss  the  wheat,”  illustrating  it  by  the 
following  parable : The  straw  and  the  chaff  were  argu- 
ing together.  The  straw  maintained  that  it  was  for 
its  sake  that  the  field  was  sown  and  ploughed,  whilst 
the  stem  insisted  that  it  was  on  its  account  that  the 
work  was  undertaken.  Thereupon  the  wheat  said, 
“Wait  until  the  harvest  comes,  and  we  shall  know  with 
what  purpose  the  field  was  sown.”  When  the  harvest 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


109 


came,  and  the  work  of  threshing  began,  the  chaff  was 
scattered  to  the  wind,  the  stem  was  given  to  the 
flames,  whilst  the  wheat  was  carefully  gathered  on  the 
floor.  In  a similar  way  the  heathens  say,  “It  is  for 
our  sake  that  the  world  was  created,”  whilst  Israel 
makes  the  same  claim  for  itself.  But  wait  for  the  Day 
of  Judgment,  when  the  chaff  will  be  eliminated,  and 
the  wheat  will  be  kissed.  I need  hardly  remind  you 
of  the  parable  in  Matt.  13.8 

To  return  to  Chapter  3.  I will  quote  verse  1 1,  in 
which  the  Baptist  in  his  testimony  to  Jesus  says,  “ I, 
indeed,  baptised  you  with  water  unto  repentance,  but 
he  that  cometh  after  me  is  mightier  than  I,  whose 
shoes  I am  not  worthy  to  bear ; he  shall  baptise  you 
with  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  fire.”  The  baptism,  of 
course,  represents  the  r6'DD,  or  immersion,  of  the  Bible, 
enforced  by  the  Rabbis  in  the  case  of  proselytes.  Ac- 
cording to  some  authorities  it  was  also  customary  with 
people  entering  on  a course  of  repentance.9  The  ex- 
pression, “whose  shoes  I am  not  worthy  to  bear,”  re- 
minds one  of  the  similar  Talmudic  phrase,  running, 
“he  who  will  explain  to  me  a certain  word,  I will 
carry  his  cloth  after  him  to  the  bath,”10  that  is  to  say, 
he  will  show  submission  to  his  authority  by  performing 
menial  work  for  him.  As  to  the  term,  “ baptism  by 
the  Holy  Ghost  and  fire,”  the  latter  has  a parallel  in 
the  Talmudic  dictum,  that  the  main  n^'2D,  immersion, 
as  a means  of  purification,  is  by  fire.11  The  former 
term,  “ baptism  by  the  Holy  Ghost,”  is  certainly  ob- 
scure, and  has  given  a good  deal  of  trouble  to  the 


no 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


commentators  ; but  it  must  have  been  readily  under- 
stood by  the  Jews,  who  even  spoke  of  drawing  the 
Holy  Spirit,  KHipn  nn  a term  applied  only  to 

liquids.12  Note  also  the  following  passage  from  a ser- 
mon by  R.  Akiba : “Blessed  are  ye  Israelites.  Before 
whom  are  ye  purified,  and  who  is  he  who  purifies  you? 
Ye  are  purified  before  your  Father  in  Heaven,  and  it 
is  he  who  purifies  you,”  as  it  is  said,  “The  Lord  is 
the  Mikweh  of  Israel.”13  The  word  mpD  is  taken  in 
the  sense  in  which  it  occurs  several  times  in  the  Pen- 
tateuch, meaning  “a  gathering  of  waters,”  or  a ritual 
bath,  taken  after  various  kinds  of  uncleanness.  The 
Rabbi  then  derives  from  the  words  of  Jeremiah  (17: 
13)  the  lesson,  that  as  the  Mikweh  is  the  means  of 
purification  for  defilement  (in  the  sense  of  the  Levitical 
legislation),  so  God  is  the  source  of  purity  for  Israel. 
It  should  be  borne  in  mind,  that  according  to  the 
Rabbinic  interpretation,  the  term  nKOID,  “defilement,” 
applies  to  all  kinds  of  sins,  ritual  as  well  as  moral, 
especially  the  latter,  whilst  the  process  of  purifying 
mostly  concerns  the  heart.  “ Purify  our  hearts,  that 
we  serve  thee  in  truth,”  is  the  constant  prayer  of  the 
Synagogue. 

or  “purification,”  is,  according  to  the  mystic 
R.  Phinehas  ben  Jair,  of  the  second  century,  one  of  the 
higher  rungs  on  the  ladder  leading  to  the  attainment 
of  the  holy  spirit.14  I do  not  know  how  far  this  con- 
ception may  be  connected  with  the  gospel  narrative, 
according  to  which  the  baptism  of  Jesus  (or  the 
Taharah  of  Jesus)  was  followed  by  the  descent  of  the 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


1 1 1 


holy  spirit.  If  R.  Phinehas  ben  Jair  could  be  taken,  as 
some  maintain,  as  one  of  the  last  representatives  of 
the  Essenes,  there  would,  indeed,  be  no  objection  to 
see  in  the  synoptic  account  an  illustration  of  the  prin- 
ciple laid  down  by  these  mystics.  At  any  rate,  it 
may  serve  as  a transition  to  the  verses  I am  about  to 
quote  from  Matt.  3 (16,  17),  running  thus:  “And 
Jesus,  when  he  was  baptised,  went  up  straightway 
from  the  water:  and,  lo,  the  heavens  were  opened 
unto  him,  and  he  saw  the  Spirit  of  God  descending 
as  a dove,  and  coming  upon  him : and,  lo,  a voice  out 
of  the  heavens  saying,  This  is  my  beloved  son  in 
whom  I am  well  pleased.’’  The  symbolism  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  by  a dove  is  a common  notion  in  Rab- 
binic literature.  The  dove  is  considered  as  the  most 
chaste  among  the  birds,  never  forsaking  her  mate. 
The  congregation  of  Israel,  which  never  betrays  its 
God,  is  therefore  compared  to  the  dove.15  “Once 
upon  a time,”  so  runs  a Rabbinic  legend,  which  I 
give  here  in  substance,  “King  David  went  out  on  a 
hawking  expedition.  Whereupon  Satan  came  and 
turned  himself  into  a deer,  which  David  tried  to  hit, 
but  could  not  reach.  Constantly  pursuing  the  animal, 
David  was  thus  carried  from  his  suite,  owing  to  the 
machinations  of  Satan,  into  the  land  of  the  Philistines, 
where  he  was  suddenly  confronted  by  the  relatives  of 
Goliath,  who  were  all  thirsting  for  his  blood.  There- 
upon a dove  descended  before  Abishai,  who  had  re- 
mained behind  in  the  king’s  camp,  and  began  to  emit 
wailing  tones.  Abishai  at  once  understood  its  mean- 


I 1 2 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


ing,  saying,  ‘The  congregation  of  Israel  is  compared 
to  a dove,  as  it  is  said,  Wings  of  a dove  covered 
with  silver’  (Ps.  68:  14),  and  thus  interpreted  the 
appearance  of  the  dove  as  a sign  that  King  David,  the 
hope  of  Israel,  was  in  danger  of  his  life,  and  he  set 
out  to  his  rescue.”16 

A closer  parallel,  however,  is  the  following  pas- 
sage attributed  to  the  well-known  mystic,  Ben  Soma,  a 
younger  contemporary  of  the  Apostles.  The  passage 
runs  thus:  R.  Joshua  ben  Hananiah  was  standing 
upon  the  terrace  of  the  Temple  mountain.  Ben  Soma 
saw  him,  but  did  not  rise  up  before  him  (as  he  ought 
to  have  done,  seeing  that  R.  Joshua  was  his  master). 
R.  Joshua  asked  him,  “Whence  and  whither,  Ben 
Soma?”  The  answer  Ben  Soma  gave  him  was,  “I 
was  looking  at  (or  rather  meditating  upon)  the  upper 
waters  (above  the  firmament)  and  the  under  waters 
(under  the  firmament).  The  space  between  the  two 
waters  is  not  broader  than  three  fingers ; as  it  is  said, 
‘the  Spirit  of  God  was  brooding  upon  the  face  of  the 
waters,’  like  a dove  brooding  over  her  young,  partly 
touching  them  and  partly  not  touching  them.”17 

I need  hardly  say  that  we  have  here  to  deal  with 
a fragment  of  a Jewish  Gnosis,  and  I must  refer  the 
reader  to  the  works  of  Joel,  Graetz,  and  Freudenthal,  for 
more  information  upon  this  point,  but  it  must  be  noted 
that  some  parallel  passages  read  “eagle”  instead  of 
“dove.”  Deut.  32:  11  lends  some  countenance  to 
this  reading,  but  the  parallels  just  quoted  from  the 
New  Testament  as  well  as  the  famous  vision  of  R. 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


1 13 


Jose,  in  which  the  daughter- voice  is  complaining  in  a 
tender  voice  like  a dove,  saying  “Woe  unto  the  father, 
whose  children  were  expelled  from  his  table,”18  speak 
for  the  reading  given  first. 

After  the  appearance  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  Jesus  is 
greeted,  as  we  have  seen,  by  a voice  from  the  heavens, 
saying,  “This  is  my  beloved  son,  in  whom  I am  well 
pleased.”  These  words  represent,  as  rightly  remarked 
by  the  commentators,  a combined  paraphrase  of  Ps. 
2:  7 and  Isa.  41  : 1.  The  voice  from  heaven,  as  is 
well  known,  corresponds  with  the  Rabbinic  “ daughter 
of  a voice”  (^ip  ro),  or  daughter- voice,  occupying  the 
third  place  in  the  scale  of  revelation.  I cannot  enter 
here  into  the  various  aspects  and  functions  of  the 
daughter-voice,  about  which  a good  deal  has  been 
written,  but  I should  like  to  note  two  peculiar  features.19 

The  first  is,  that  in  many  cases  the  daughter-voice, 
when  employed  as  a means  of  revelation,  finds  its  ex- 
pression, not  in  a fresh  message,  but  in  reproducing 
some  verse  or  sentence  from  the  Hebrew  Bible.  Thus 
it  is  recorded  by  the  Rabbis  that  when  they  (the  au- 
thorities) intended  to  include  King  Solomon  in  the 
number  of  those  who  forfeited  their  salvation,  the 
daughter-voice  put  in  the  protest  of  heaven,  in  the 
words  of  Job  (34:  33),  “Shall  his  recompense  be  as 
thou  wilt,  that  thou  refusest  it?”20  The  great  recon- 
ciliation, again,  of  God  with  the  house  of  David,  as 
represented  by  the  exiled  king  Jeconiah,  when  the 
Babylonian  captivity  was  nearing  its  end,  was  an- 
nounced by  the  daughter-voice  in  the  words  of  Jere- 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


114 


miah,  “ Return,  ye  backsliding  children,  and  I will 
heal  your  backslidings.  Behold,  we  come  unto  thee; 
for  thou  art  the  Lord  our  God”  (3  : 22). 21  It  should 
be  noted,  however,  that  the  daughter-voice  is  not  con- 
fined in  its  quotations  to  the  Canonical  Scriptures. 
Sometimes  the  daughter-voice  even  quotes  sentences 
from  the  Apocrypha.  This  was  the  case  in  Jabneh, 
where  the  Sanhedrin  met  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Temple.  There  a voice  from  heaven  was  heard  repro- 
ducing a verse  from  the  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira  (3  : 22), 
“Ye  have  no  need  of  the  things  that  are  secret.” 22  It  is 
true  that  Ben  Sira  has  “thou  hast  no  need”  (in  the 
singular),  but  it  would  seem  as  if  the  voice  from  heaven 
is  not  always  very  exact  in  its  quotations,  adapting 
them  in  its  own  way  to  the  message  to  be  announced. 
Thus,  for  instance,  on  the  occasion  of  Saul’s  dis- 
obeying the  commandment  of  God  regarding  the  exter- 
mination of  the  Amalekites,  there  came  the  daughter- 
voice  and  said  unto  him,  “Be  not  more  righteous 
than  thy  Maker,”  -pip»  "in'  pivn  bx.23  We  will  easily 
recognise  in  this  warning  the  words  of  Ecclesiastes 
(7:  16),  “Be  not  righteous  overmuch,”  mm  pivn  bx, 
only  that  mm  was  altered  into  "in',  required  by  the 
prefix  of  "|31pD,  which  word  was  apparently  added  by 
the  voice  from  heaven. 

Another  important  feature  of  the  daughter-voice 
is,  that  in  some  cases  it  is  audible  only  to  those  who 
are  prepared  to  hear  it.  “Every  day.”  says  the 
rather  mystically  inclined  R.  Joshua  ben  Levi,  “goes 
forth  a voice  from  Mount  Sinai,  and  makes  proclama- 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


1 15 


tion  and  says,  ‘Woe  to  the  creatures  for  their  con- 
tempt of  the  Torah.’  ” As  rightly  pointed  out  by  the 
commentators,  this  voice  is  heard  only  by  fine,  sensi- 
tive natures  that  are  susceptible  to  Divine  messages 
even  after  the  discontinuance  of  prophecy.24  In  this 
case  the  daughter-voice  becomes  something  quite  sub- 
jective, and  loses  a great  deal  of  its  authoritative  char- 
acter. The  renegade  Elisha  ben  Abuyah,  or,  as  he  is 
commonly  called,  *inx,  the  “other  one,”  in  his  despair 
of  “doing  repentance”,  heard  a voice  coming  straight 
from  behind  the  throne  of  God,  saying  unto  him, 
“Come  back,  ye  backsliding  children,  except  thou 
‘other  one,”’  and  thus  he  abandoned  himself  to  an 
immoral  life.25  Contrast  this  story  with  that  of  Ma- 
nasseh,  the  worst  sinner  among  the  kings  of  Judah. 
It  is  to  this  effect.  When  the  captains  of  the  King  of 
Assyria  defeated  Manasseh  and  put  him  among  thorns, 
and  inflicted  upon  him  the  most  cruel  tortures,  he 
invoked  all  the  strange  gods  he  was  in  the  habit  of 
worshipping,  but  no  relief  came.  Suddenly  he  said, 
“I  remember  my  father  once  made  me  read  the  fol- 
lowing verses  (Deut.  4 : 30,  31),  ‘When  thou  art  in 
tribulation,  and  all  these  things  are  come  upon  thee, 

. . . return  thou  to  the  Lord  thy  God.  For  the  Lord 
thy  God  is  a merciful  God ; he  will  not  forsake  thee 
nor  destroy  thee.’”  He  then  began  to  address  his 
prayers  to  God.  The  angels — in  a most  unangelic 
way,  I am  sorry  to  say — shut  up  the  gates  of  heaven 
against  his  prayer,  but  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he, 
said,  “ If  I do  not  receive  him,  I shut  the  gate  in  the 


ii6 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


face  of  repentance.’  And  thus  he  was  entreated  of 
him  and  heard  his  supplication.’  ” 26  The  moral  of  the 
two  stories  is,  that  the  “other  one”  trusted  to  fresh 
messages,  and  went  to  perdition,  while  Manasseh  fell 
back  upon  the  family  Bible  and  was  saved.  It  is 
probable  that  it  was  such  moral  catastrophes  as  re- 
corded in  the  case  of  the  “other  one”  which  brought 
the  voice  of  heaven  into  disrepute.  The  verdict  of 
the  Rabbis  in  the  second  century  was,  that  no  atten- 
tion is  to  be  paid  to  it  when  it  presumes  to  decide 
against  the  moral  conviction  of  the  majority.  The 
Torah  is  not  in  heaven.27  Its  interpretation  is  left  to 
the  conscience  of  catholic  Israel. 

Now  it  is  this  conscience  of  Israel  which  is  not 
satisfied  with  the  lesson  to  be  derived  from  the  Scrip- 
tures at  the  first  glance,  or  rather  the  first  hearing, 
but  insists  upon  its  expansion.  Thus  when  interpret- 
ing Lev.  19:  36,  the  Rabbis  somehow  managed  to 
derive  from  it  the  law  of  “let  your  speech  be  yea, 
yea;  nay,  nay.”28  Again,  when  commenting  upon 
the  seventh  commandment,  they  interpreted  it  in  such 
a way  as  to  include  the  prohibition  of  even  an  un- 
chaste look  or  immoral  thought.29  The  rules  of  inter- 
pretation by  which  such  maxims  wrere  derived  from 
the  Scriptures  would  perhaps  not  satisfy  the  modern 
philologian.  They,  indeed,  belong  to  the  “second 
sense  ” of  the  Scriptures,  the  sense  which  is  the  heart 
and  soul  of  all  history  and  development.  “God  hath 
spoken  once,  twice  I have  heard  this”  (Ps.  62:  12), 
which  verse  is  interpreted  by  the  Rabbis  to  mean  that 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


117 


Scripture  is  capable  of  many  interpretations  or  hear- 
ings.30 But  it  is  interesting  to  find  that  these  interpre- 
tations of  the  Scriptures  tending  to  improve  upon  the 
“first  sense”  are  sometimes  introduced  by  the  formula: 
“ I might  hear  so-and-so,  therefore  there  is  a teaching 
to  say  that,”  etc.  TOlS  TlC^n  1?D1K\31  Put  into 

modern  language  the  formula  means  this : The  words 
of  the  Scriptures  might  be  at  the  first  glance  (or  first 
hearing)  conceived  to  have  this  or  that  meaning,  but 
if  we  consider  the  context  or  the  way  in  which  the 
sentences  are  worded,  we  must  arrive  at  a different 
conclusion.  This  parallel  may  perhaps  throw  some 
light  on  the  expression  rjKovo-aTe,  “you  have  heard  that 
it  was  said  . . . but  I say  unto  you,”  a phrase  fre- 
quent in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  After  the 
declaration  made  by  Jesus  of  his  attachment  to  the 
Torah,  it  is  not  likely  that  he  would  quote  passages 
from  it  showing  its  inferiority.  The  only  way  to  get 
over  the  difficulty  is  to  assume  that  Jesus  used  some 
such  phrase  as  the  one  just  quoted,  'JX  “I  might 
hear,”  or  “one  might  hear,”  that  is  to  say,  “one 
might  be  mistaken  in  pressing  the  literal  sense  of  the 
verses  in  question  too  closely.”  Against  such  a nar- 
row way  of  dealing  with  Scripture  he  warned  his  dis- 
ciples by  some  formula,  as  “there  is  a 

teaching  to  say  that  the  words  must  not  be  taken  in 
such  a sense.”  But  the  formula  being  a strictly  Rab- 
binic idiom,  it  was  not  rendered  quite  accurately  by 
the  Greek  translator.  Hence  the  apparent  contradic- 
tion between  Matt.  3 : 17,  20,  and  the  matter  follow- 


n8 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


ing  upon  these  verses.  I only  wish  to  add  that  in 
Rabbinic  literature  it  is  sometimes  God  himself  who 
undertakes  such  rectifications.  Thus  we  read  in  an 
ancient  Midrash  with  reference  to  Jer.  4:  2,  “And 
thou  shalt  swear  as  the  Lord  liveth,  in  truth  and  in 
judgment”:  “The  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  said 
unto  Israel,  ‘Think  not  that  you  may  swear  by  my 
name,  even  in  truth.  You  may  not  do  so  unless  you 
have  obtained  that  high  degree  of  sanctity  by  which 
Abraham,  Joseph,  and  Job  were  distinguished,  who 
were  called  God-fearing  men  (d\~6n  'KV).’”  This  limi- 
tation of  swearing,  even  in  truth,  is  indicated  accord- 
ing to  the  Rabbis  in  Deut.  20:  10,  which  verse  is  in- 
terpreted to  mean,  “If  thou  fearest  thy  God,  and  art 
exclusively  in  his  service,  thou  mayest  swear  by  his 
name,”  not  otherwise.32 

Having  mentioned  the  name  of  the  patriarch,  I 
may  perhaps  state  the  fact  that,  beside  the  epithets 
“the  God-fearing”  Abraham,  or  Abraham  “the  friend 
of  God,”  Abraham  also  bears  in  Rabbinic  literature 
the  title  of  Rock.  The  wording  of  the  Rabbinical 
passage  and  the  terms  used  in  it  will  not  be  uninter- 
esting to  the  student  of  the  New  Testament.  In 
Matt.  16:  1 8 we  read:  “And  I also  say  unto  thee, 
that  thou  art  Petros , and  upon  this  petra  I will  build 
my  church.”  The  Rabbinic  passage  forms  an  illus- 
tration of  Num.  23:  9,  “For  from  the  top  of  the 
rocks  I see  him,”  and  runs  thus : There  was  a king 
who  desired  to  build,  and  to  lay  foundations  he  dug 
constantly  deeper,  but  found  only  a swamp.  At  last 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


ng 


he  dug  and  found  a petra  (this  is  the  very  word  the 
Rabbi  uses).  He  said,  “On  this  spot  I shall  build 
and  lay  the  foundations.”  So  the  Holy  One,  blessed 
be  he,  desired  to  create  the  world,  but  meditating 
upon  the  generations  of  Enoch  and  the  deluge,  he 
said,  “How  shall  I create  the  world  seeing  that  those 
wicked  men  will  only  provoke  me?”  But  as  soon  as 
God  perceived  that  there  would  rise  an  Abraham,  he 
said,  “Behold,  I have  found  the  petra  upon  which  to 
build  and  to  lay  foundations.”  Therefore  he  called 
Abraham  Rock,  as  it  is  said,  “Look  unto  the  rock 
whence  ye  are  hewn.  Look  unto  Abraham,  your 
father”  (Isa.  51:  1,  2). 33 

The  parallels  given  so  far  have  been  more  accord- 
ing to  the  letter.  I will  now  give  one  or  two  parallels 
according  to  the  spirit. 

I have  already  referred  to  the  attempts  made  by 
various  authors  to  describe  the  life  and  times  of  Jesus 
Christ.  The  best  book  of  this  class  is  undoubtedly 
Schiirer’s  History  of  the  Jewish  People  in  the  Age  of 
Jesus  Christ.  It  is  a very  learned  work,  particularly 
as  far  as  the  Greek  and  Roman  documents  are  con- 
cerned. Its  treatment  of  such  topics  as  the  geography 
of  Palestine,  the  topography  of  Jerusalem,  the  plan  of 
the  Temple,  and  kindred  subjects,  is  almost  perfect. 
A most  excellent  feature  in  it  is  the  completeness  of 
its  bibliography,  there  being  hardly  any  dissertation 
or  article  in  any  of  the  learned  periodicals  which  is 
not  duly  registered  by  the  author.  But  all  these  fine 
things  are,  to  use  a quaint  Rabbinic  phrase,  only 


120 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


“after-courses  of  wisdom.”  Bibliography  in  particu- 
lar is  not  even  an  after-course.  It  partakes  more  of 
the  nature  of  the  menu  served  sometimes  by  very 
ignorant  waiters,  possessing  neither  judgment  nor 
discretion.  The  general  vice  attaching  to  this  whole 
class  of  works  is,  that  no  attempt  is  made  in  them  to 
gain  acquaintance  with  the  inner  life  of  the  Jewish 
nation  at  the  period  about  which  they  write.  Take, 
for  instance,  the  subject  of  prayer.  Considering  that 
pre-Christian  Judaism  gave  to  the  world  the  Psalms, 
and  that  post-Christian  Judaism  produced  one  of  the 
richest  liturgies;  considering  again  that  among  the 
various  prayers  which  have  come  down  to  us  through 
the  medium  of  the  Talmud,  there  is  also  one  that 
forms  a close  parallel  to  the  “Lord’s  Prayer;”  con- 
sidering all  this,  one  might  expect  that  also  in  the 
times  of  Jesus  the  Jews  were  able  to  pray,  and  in  fact 
did  pray.  The  contents  of  their  prayers  might  be  of  the 
greatest  importance  for  the  student,  expressing  as  they 
probably  did  the  religious  sentiments  of  the  age  and 
the  ideal  aspirations  of  the  nation.  But  what  our 
theological  waiters  dish  up  is  a minimum  of  prayer 
dressed  up  in  a quantity  of  rubrics,  in  such  a fashion 
as  to  stigmatise  their  authors  as  miserable  pedants. 
And  no  attempt  is  made  to  enter  into  the  spirit  of  even 
this  minimum.  No  explanation  is  given,  for  instance, 
of  the  meaning  of  the  terms  “the  kingdom  of  heaven,” 
the  yoke  of  which  the  Rabbi  was  supposed  to  receive 
upon  himself,  the  “ Hear,  O Israel,”  etc.  The  terms 
“sanctification  of  the  name  of  God,”  “Father  in 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


121 


heaven,”  and  “ renewed  world,”  are  also  frequent  in 
Jewish  literature  and  in  the  Jewish  prayer-book,  but 
no  sufficient  attention  is  given  to  them.  To  my  knowl- 
edge Dalman  is  the  only  modern  Christian  scholar  who 
recognises  the  importance  of  these  terms,  and  similar 
ones,  in  their  bearing  upon  a clearer  understanding  of 
the  New  Testament,  and  has  at  least  made  an  attempt 
at  their  analysis  in  his  book,  Die  Worte  Jcsu. 

Another  important  point,  which  has  never  been 
properly  examined,  is  the  unique  position  which  the 
Keneseth  Israel , the  congregation  of  Israel,  or  ideal 
Israel,  occupies  in  Rabbinic  theology.  Yet  it  forms 
a striking  parallel  to  that  held  by  Jesus  in  Christian 
theology.  The  Keneseth  Israel  was,  like  the  Spirit  of 
the  Messiah,  created  before  the  world  was  called  into 
existence.  “ She  is  the  beloved  of  God,  in  whom  he 
rejoices  ; ” and  there  is  no  endearing  epithet  in  the 
language,  such  as  son,  daughter,  brother,  sister,  bride, 
mother,  lamb,  or  eye,  which  is  not,  according  to  the 
Rabbis,  applied  by  the  Scriptures  to  express  the  inti- 
mate relation  between  God  and  the  Keneseth  Israel. 
Not  even  the  title  of  “god,”  of  which  God  is  other- 
wise so  jealous,  is  denied  to  Israel,  as  it  is  written, 
“ I have  said,  Ye  are  gods.”  Nay,  God  even  says  to 
Moses,  “ Exalt  Israel  as  much  as  thou  canst,  for  it  is 
as  if  thou  wert  exalting  me ; ” whilst  he  who  denies 
Israel  or  rises  against  Israel  denies  God.  In  fact,  it  is 
only  through  the  witness  of  Israel  that  God  is  God, 
and  he  would  cease  to  be  so  were  Israel  to  disappear, 
as  it  is  written,  “Ye  are  my  witnesses,  . . . and  I am 


122 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


God.”  34  But  there  is  no  fear  of  such  a calamity. 
Israel  is  as  eternal  as  the  universe,  and  forms  the 
rock  on  which  the  world  was  built.  As  a rock  tower- 
ing up  in  the  sea,  so  the  Keneseth  Israel  stands  out  in 
history,  defying  all  tempests  and  temptations ; for 
“many  waters  cannot  quench  the  love”  between  God 
and  the  Keneseth  Israel.35  She  is,  indeed,  approached 
by  Satan  and  the  nations  of  the  world  with  the  sedu- 
cing words,  “What  is  thy  beloved  more  than  another? 
Beautiful  and  lovely  thou  art,  if  thou  wilt  mingle 
among  us.  Why  dost  thou  permit  thyself  to  go 
through  fire  for  his  sake,  to  be  crucified  for  his 
name  ? Come  unto  us,  where  all  the  dignities  in  our 
power  await  thee.”  But  Israel  resists  all  tempta- 
tions ; they  point  to  their  connexion  with  God 
throughout  their  history,  to  his  love  unto  them,  shown 
by  conferring  upon  them  the  gift  of  holiness,  which 
even  a Balaam  envied,  and  to  the  promise  held  out  to 
them  of  the  Messianic  times,  when  suffering  will  cease 
and  Israel  will  revel  in  the  glory  of  God.”  36  These 
few  quotations  suffice  to  show  what  an  interesting 
chapter  might  be  added  to  our  knowledge  of  com- 
parative theology. 

Again,  our  knowledge  of  the  spiritual  history  of 
the  Jews  during  the  first  centuries  of  our  era  might  be 
enriched  by  a chapter  on  miracles.  Starting  from  the 
principle  that  miracles  can  be  explained  only  by  more 
miracles,  an  attempt  was  made  some  years  ago  by  a 
student  to  draw  up  a list  of  the  wonder-workings  of 
the  Rabbis  recorded  in  the  Talmud  and  the  Midra- 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


123 


shim.  He  applied  himself  to  the  reading  of  these 
works,  but  his  reading  was  only  cursory.  The  list 
therefore  is  not  complete.  Still  it  yielded  a harvest 
of  not  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  miracles. 
They  cover  all  classes  of  supernatural  workings 
recorded  in  the  Bible,  but  occur  with  much  greater 
frequency. 

A repetition  of  these  miracles  would  be  tiresome. 
I will  content  myself  with  reproducing  a story  from 
Tractate  Chagigah,  which  will  illustrate  to  you  how 
much  even  the  individual  Jew  shared  in  the  glories 
conferred  upon  the  Keneseth  Israel.  I am  speaking, 
of  course,  of  that  individual  who  is  described  by  the 
Rabbis  as  one  “who  labours  in  the  Torah  for  its  own 
sake,  who  is  called  a lover  of  God  and  a lover  of 
humanity.  Unto  him  kingdom  and  authority  are 
given.  Unto  him  the  secrets  of  the  Torah  are  re- 
vealed.” The  term  “ authority,”  by  the  way,  is 
given  with  the  word  hSk'DD,  suggested  probably  by 
Ben  Sira  45=  17,  DDK'DI  pira  ir6wi,  “and  he  made 
him  have  authority  over  statute  and  judgment ; ” 
whilst  Matt.  7 : 29,  “ and  he  taught  them  as  one  hav- 
ing authority,”  was  probably  suggested  by  Ben  Sira 
3:  10,  nn  ^101,  “and  he  who  has  authority 

over  it  shall  teach  it.”  As  a man  of  such  authority 
we  may  consider  R.  Johanan  ben  Zakkai,  the  hero  of 
the  story  I am  about  to  relate.  He  was  the  younger 
member  of  the  “ Eighty  Club  ” of  the  school  of  Hillel, 
and  thus  a contemporary  of  the  Apostles,  though  he 
survived  them.  He  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  terrible 


124 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


catastrophe  of  the  destruction  of  the  Temple  by  the 
Romans,  an  event  which  he  prophesied  forty  years 
before  it  took  place.  He  is  best  known  by  the  school 
he  established  in  Jabneh,  whither  the  Sanhedrin,  and 
with  them  the  Divine  Presence  presiding  over  this 
assembly,  emigrated  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem.  There 
(in  Jabneh)  he  died  about  108  c.  e. 

It  is  related  that  Rabbi  Johanan  ben  Zakkai  was 
riding  upon  his  ass  on  the  road,  while  his  pupil,  R. 
Eleazar  ben  Arach,  was  walking  behind  him.  Said  R. 
Eleazar  to  him,  “ Master,  teach  me  a chapter  about 
the  matter  relating  to  the  chariot,”  that  is,  the  vision 
in  the  first  chapter  of  Ezekiel.  The  master  declined, 
preferring  to  hear  the  pupil.  R.  Pdeazar  said  again, 
“ Wilt  thou  permit  me  to  repeat  in  thy  presence  one 
thing  which  thou  hast  taught  me?”  to  which  he  gave 
his  assent.  R.  Johanan  then  dismounted  from  his 
ass,  and  wrapped  himself  in  his  gown,  and  seated  him- 
self upon  a stone  under  an  olive-tree.  He  said  it  was 
disrespectful  that  he  should  be  riding  on  his  beast, 
whilst  his  pupil  was  lecturing  on  such  awful  mysteries, 
and  the  Shechinah  (the  Divine  Presence)  and  the 
Malache  lia-Shareth  (the  angels-in-waiting)  were  ac- 
companying them.  Immediately  R.  Eleazar  began  his 
exposition.  And  there  came  down  fire  from  heaven 
and  encircled  them  and  the  whole  field.  And  the 
angels  assembled  and  came  to  hearken,  as  the  sons  of 
men  assemble  and  come  to  look  on  at  the  festivities 
of  bride  and  bridegroom.  And  the  terebinth-trees  in 
the  field  opened  their  mouths  and  uttered  a song, 


ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 


125 


“ Praise  the  Lord  from  the  earth,  ye  dragons  and  all 
deeps.  . . . Fruitful  trees  and  all  cedars,  . . . praise  ye 
the  Lord.”  And  an  angel  answered  from  the  fire 
and  said,  “This  is  the  matter  of  the  chariot.”  When 
he  had  finished,  R.  Johanan  ben  Zaklcai  stood  up  and 
kissed  him  on  his  head,  saying,  “ Praised  be  the  God 
of  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob,  who  has  given  our 
father  Abraham  a wise  son,  who  knows  howto  discourse 
on  the  glory  of  our  Father  in  heaven.”  So  much  for 
the  story.  I need  hardly  recall  to  your  mind  the 
parallels  in  the  Book  of  Enoch  and  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment.37 

My  lecture  is  at  an  end,  not  so  the  subject  it  treats. 
To  accomplish  the  latter  in  a properly  critical  and 
scientific  manner  the  aid  of  fellow-workers  is  neces- 
sary. I have  often  heard  the  wish  expressed  that  a 
history  of  the  rise  of  Christianity  might  be  written  by 
a Jew  who  could  bring  Rabbinic  learning  to  bear  upon 
the  subject.  I do  not  think  that  the  time  is  as  yet 
ripe  for  such  an  experiment.  The  best  thing  to  be 
done  at  present  is,  that  Christians  devote  themselves 
to  the  study  of  Rabbinic  literature.  The  history 
which  would  be  written  after  such  study  would  cer- 
tainly be  more  scientific  and  more  critical,  though  per- 
haps less  edifying. 


THE  MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS  OF  THE 
SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY1 

Professor  Doctor  Kaufmann  has,  by  his  edition  of 
the  Memoiren  der  Gluck  el  von  Hameln,  earned  the 
thanks  of  all  Jewish  students  as  well  as  of  the  Jewish 
public  at  large.  It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that 
these  Memoirs  are  well  edited.  “ With  the  great 
nothing  is  small.”  And  everyone  who  has  the  good 
fortune  to  be  acquainted  with  Dr.  Kaufmann’s  works, 
knows  that  whatever  he  did— -whether  he  wrote  on 
the  history  of  the  attributes  of  God  in  Jewish  phil- 
osophy, or  pointed  out  the  greatness  of  George  Eliot 
to  his  countrymen,  or  described  for  us  the  im- 
portance of  the  Anglo-Jewish  ritual,  or  edited  the 
registers  of  some  obscure  Jewish  community — he  did 
it  well,  in  a thorough,  scientific,  and  scholarly  man- 
ner. And  so  these  Memoirs,  too,  are  provided  with 
an  excellent  introduction,  in  which  he  not  only  gives 
an  account  of  the  manuscript  from  which  his  edition 
was  prepared,  but  brings  to  bear  upon  his  subject  all 
the  cognate  contemporary  literature  both  in  print  and 
in  manuscript,  whilst  the  footnotes  giving  explana- 
tions of  many  strange  words  and  odd  observations  in 
the  text  prove  greatly  helpful  to  the  reader. 

But  it  must  not  be  inferred  from  this  that  the 
Memoirs  belong  to  Dr.  Kaufmann’s  minor  work. 
Only  to  those  to  whom  Jewish  literature  is  a mere 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


127 


exhibition  of  so  many  Books  of  the  Dead — to  be 
relegated  to  their  dusty  shelves  after  a brief  study  of 
the  title-page — will  the  contents  of  these  Memoirs 
appear  trifling  and  unimportant.  Those,  however,  to 
whom  literature  means  life,  with  all  its  varying  phases 
of  folly  and  wisdom,  of  grief  and  joy,  happiness  and 
misery,  will  find  in  these  Memoirs  a source  of  infinite 
delight  and  instruction,  revealing  the  history  of  a life 
extending  over  nearly  three-quarters  of  a century. 
But  what  is  more  important  is  that  these  revelations 
come  from  the  heart  of  a woman.  Jewish  literature 
on  the  whole  is  not  rich  in  “ Lives,”  but  an  autobio- 
graphy written  by  a woman  is  an  almost  unique  phe- 
nomenon in  it. 

Frau  Gliickel  Hameln,  the  author  of  these 
Memoirs,  was  the  daughter  of  Lob  Pinkerle,  the  Par- 
nas  or  president  of  the  Jewish  community  in  Ham- 
burg. He  was  a man  of  great  influence  among  his 
Jewish  fellow-citizens,  and  is  described  by  his  daugh- 
ter as  the  means  of  procuring  for  his  brethren  the 
permission  to  re-settle  in  that  city  after  their  temporary 
expulsion  from  it  about  this  period.  Gliickel,  who 
was  born  in  1647,  was  a child  of  three  years  when 
this  expulsion  took  place. 

By  this  date  the  reader  will  at  once  be  prepared 
not  to  expect  from  her  a description  or  a diary  in  the 
modern  sense  of  the  word.  In  the  seventeenth  century 
people  were  not  yet  inclined  to  undergo  the  process 
of  self- vivisection,  constantly  registering  their  moods 
and  humours  and  parading  them  before  the  world. 


128 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


Self-torture  was  not  yet  considered  bliss,  and  to  go 
down  on  one’s  knees  and  pray  to  God  for  a handsome 
lord  was  not  looked  upon  as  a special  act  of  intel- 
lectual spirituality.  Matrimonial  arrangements  were 
quietly  left  to  the  parents.  Our  Gluckel,  in  particu- 
lar, with  the  many  vicissitudes  and  cares  which  life 
brought  to  her,  had  hardly  time  for  introspection. 
She  was  a simple-minded  woman,  a mere  “ mother  in 
Israel  ” and  as  foolish  as  all  mothers,  hence  doomed 
to  many  a disappointment  with  her  children  ; idolising 
her  husband  and  in  consequence  almost  broken-heart- 
ed after  his  death,  and  so  proud  of  her  own  and  her 
husband’s  family,  which  she  probably  overrated,  that 
her  own  individuality  was  sunk  in  theirs.  All  the 
more  do  we  hear  from  her  about  her  connexions  and 
relatives,  who  were  mostly  prominent  members  of  the 
Jewish  congregations  scattered  over  a great  part  of 
Germany.  Her  Memoirs  thus  gain  a particular  inter- 
est, giving  us  as  they  do  an  insight  into  the  social  life 
of  the  important  Jewish  communities  of  Hamburg, 
Metz,  and  Altona,  such  as  no  other  source  affords. 

Her  first  recollections  date  from  Altona,  to  which 
place  (only  about  a mile  from  Hamburg)  her  family 
removed  after  the  expulsion  already  mentioned.  Al- 
tona, in  which  they  found  a Jewish  community  con- 
sisting of  about  twenty-five  families,  formed  at  that  time 
a part  of  the  dominions  of  the  “ righteous  and  pious 
King  Frederick  III  of  Denmark.”  2 The  Jews  were, 
it  would  seem,  permitted  to  carry  on  business  in  their 
old  home  during  the  daytime,  after  procuring  from 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


129 


the  Mayor  of  Hamburg  a special  passport,  for  which 
they  had  to  pay  a tax  of  a ducat,  and  which  had  to  be 
renewed  every  month.  If  the  Jew  was  so  fortunate 
as  to  have  acquaintances  among  the  politicians,  the 
month  was  extended  to  eight  weeks.  But  neither 
taxes  nor  the  authority  of  the  chief  magistrate  could 
protect  them  against  the  insolence  of  the  Hamburg 
mob,  so  “ that  every  woman  thanked  the  Lord  when 
she  saw  her  husband  in  peace  ” back  in  Altona  as 
the  evening  approached.3 

Her  family  was  the  first  to  return  to  Hamburg. 
But  Gliickel  had  little  confidence  in  the  Senate,  who 
were  instigated  by  the  clergy  not  to  suffer  the  Jews  to 
take  possession  of  their  old  places  of  worship.  As 
we  know  from  another  account,  the  Lutheran  minis- 
ters advised  the  Senate  not  to  grant  this  privilege  to 
the  Jews  unless  they  agreed  to  the  appointment  of  a 
“ Christian  Rabbi  ” to  preach  the  Gospel  in  their  syna- 
gogues. “ It  lasted  a long  while,”  Gliickel  says,  “ till 
we  crept  back  (that  is,  returned  slowly)  to  our  syna- 
gogues. May  the  Lord,  in  the  abundance  of  his 
mercy  and  lovingkindness,  have  compassion  with  us 
and  send  us  our  righteous  Messiah,  when  we  shall 
serve  him  in  the  integrity  of  our  hearts  and  shall 
offer  our  prayers  in  the  holy  Temple  in  the  holy  city 
of  Jerusalem.  Amen.”  4 

With  Gliickel  these  words  were  not  a mere  phrase. 
She  had  cause  enough  to  be  eagerly  expectant  of  a 
redeemer.  She  was  a child  of  three  or  four  when 
the  Cossack  leader,  Bogdan  Chmielnicki,  let  loose  his 


130 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


savage  hordes  against  the  defenceless  Jews  of  Poland. 
Tens  of  thousands  were  massacred,  many  more  per- 
ished by  famine  and  exposure  to  cold  and  all  sorts  of 
disease.  Some,  however,  managed  to  escape  “ the 
sword  of  the  hero  of  holy  Orthodox  Russia,”  and 
fled  to  Germany.  Of  these  many  found  their  way 
to  Hamburg  and  Altona,  which  were  overcrowded 
with  the  refugees.  Old  Lob  Pinkerle,  as  the  Parnas 
of  the  Jewish  community,  had  a hard  time  of  it  in 
providing  these  unfortunates  with  subsistence  and 
employment.  “ It  was  after  this  event,”  Gliickel 
writes,  “ that  the  Wilna  Jews  ran  away  from  Poland. 
Many  came  to  Hamburg.  They  were  afflicted  with 
a contagious  disease,  but  we  had  then  no  hospital  in 
Hamburg  ....  and  my  father,  of  blessed  memory, 
accommodated  ten  of  them  in  the  upper  floor  of  the 
house.”  Her  grandmother,  who,  in  spite  of  all  the 
remonstrances  of  her  children,  insisted  on  visiting 
them  four  times  a day  and  took  care  that  they  should 
be  wanting  in  nothing,  caught  the  malady  and  died 
after  a few  days.  Gliickel  also  caught  the  contagion. 
This  was  the  first  severe  illness  through  which  she 
passed.5 

The  office  of  Parnas  was  thus  in  those  troubled 
times  not  very  pleasant.  But  even  this  doubtful  privi- 
lege— of  converting  his  house  into  a hospital  and 
endangering  the  lives  of  its  inmates — poor  Pinkerle 
was  not  allowed  to  enjoy  in  peace.  As  Gliickel  tells 
us,  his  high  dignity  was  contested  by  certain  malicious 
people,  who,  playing  the  part  of  informers  to  the 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


131 


Danish  Government,  tried  by  these  slanderous  means 
to  replace  him  in  the  office  of  Parnas.  Pinkerle  and 
his  colleagues  had  to  repair  at  once  to  Copenhagen ; 
but  the  court  was  convinced  of  their  innocence,  and 
matters  were  soon  settled  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  old 
Parnas.6 

All  this  occurred  before  our  Gliickel  reached  the 
age  of  twelve,  with  which  year  her  childhood  was 
brought  to  an  end.  Through  the  age  of  girlhood — 
the  age  of  lofty  dreams  and  low  realities — she  never 
passed.  For  her  twelfth  birthday  finds  her  engaged 
to  Chayim  Hameln,  and  at  fourteen  she  is  married 
to  him.7 

The  town  to  which  Gliickel  was  transplanted 
through  her  marriage  was  Hameln,  an  out-of-the- 
way  place  in  the  northwest  of  Germany,  better 
known  to  legend  than  to  history.  She  tells  us  of  the 
annoyance  caused  to  her  mother  by  the  impossibility 
to  procure  respectable  coaches  for  the  journey.  They 
had  to  make  their  way  from  Hanover  to  Hameln  with 
all  the  wedding  train  on  mean  peasant-carts.  Her 
father-in-law,  Joseph  Hameln,  comforts  them  with  the 
fact,  that  many  years  back,  when  he  set  out  to  marry, 
no  vehicles  at  all  were  to  be  found,  and,  though  the 
son  of  the  Parnas  of  all  Hessen,  he  had  to  make  his 
entry  on  foot  into  Stadthagen,  where  his  dear  Freud- 
chen  lived,  whilst  his  companion  Fisch  carried  the 
dowry  on  his  shoulders.8 

Gliickel  dwells  with  evident  delight  on  everything 
relating  to  her  new  home.  The  first  who  won  her 


132 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


heart  was,  as  it  would  seem,  her  father-in-law,  the 
amiable  and  venerable  Joseph  Hameln,  who,  together 
with  his  wife,  gave  her  much  “calmness  of  spirit.” 
“ Who  can  describe,”  she  exclaims,  “ their  charity 
and  piety,  and  with  what  kindness  and  consideration 
they  treated  me;  far  better  than  I deserved.”  She  is 
not  quite  insensible  to  the  dulness  and  dreariness  of 
Hameln,  which  was  a petty  village  in  comparison 
with  her  native  place,  only  two  Jewish  families  living 
there.  But  she  quite  forgets  Hamburg  when  she 
thinks  of  her  saintly  and  energetic  father-in-law  He 
got  up  every  morning  at  three  o’clock,  dressed  him- 
self in  his  synagogue  suit  ( Schulrock ),  and  read  aloud 
his  prayer  or  other  religious  book.  Her  room  ad- 
joined his,  and  the  opportunity  of  observing  him  and 
listening  to  him  when  he  prays  or  studies  fully  com- 
pensates her  for  all  the  delights  of  the  Hanseatic  city. 
And  what  pious  and  noble  children  his  were  ! What 
a sage  her  brother-in-law,  Reb  Abraham  ! He  spoke 
little,  but  every  word  that  escaped  his  mouth  “ was 
sheer  Chochma"  (wisdom).  As  a youth  he  was  sent 
to  Poland,  which  was  then  a great  centre  of  Talmudi- 
cal  learning,  and  he  “was  full  of  Torah  as  a pome- 
granate is  full  of  seed.”  Her  other  brother-in-law, 
Reb  Shmuel,  also  went  to  Poland  for  the  purpose  of 
studying.  The  two  brothers  there  made  excellent 
matches,  especially  the  latter  (Shmuel),  who  married 
a woman  of  “a  very  noble  family,”  the  daughter  of 
the  great  Reb  Shulem,  the  Chief  Rabbi  of  Lemberg.9 

The  Chmielnicki  persecution,  already  referred  to. 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


133 


brought  both  brothers  back  to  Germany  with  their 
families,  and  they  had  to  commence  life  over  again. 
Shmuel  was  soon  elected  Chief  Rabbi  of  Hildes- 
heim,  where  he  lived  and  died  as  a saint.  Another 
of  her  numerous  brothers-in-law  was  Reb  Lob 
Bon,  a fine  character,  who,  though  not  a student, 
was  still  “a  beautiful  knower  of  books”  (/.  e.,  fairly 
read  in  lighter  Hebrew  literature),  who  was  for  a long 
time  Parnas  in  the  Cologne  province.  And  what  a 
noble  and  modest  woman  her  sister-in-law  Esther — a 
great  sufferer,  one  who  bore  her  affliction  with 
patience  and  submission  to  God  ! 10 

The  most  important  of  the  Hamelns — to  Gliickel 
at  least — was  her  husband,  Chayim  Hameln,  the 
eighth  son  of  Joseph  Hameln.  Though  she  proba- 
bly never  saw  him  before  her  wedding,  she  very  soon 
finds  that  the  “great,  dear  God”  has  “brought  them 
together  and  guided  them  well.”  She  hardly  ever 
mentions  him  without  the  endearing  epithet  of  “ the 
crown  of  my  head.”  He  is  her  saint,  who,  though 
in  very  delicate  health  and  working  himself  half  dead 
to  earn  a living  for  his  family,  never  omits  to  go 
through  his  fixed  readings  in  the  Torah  and  to  fast  on 
Mondays  and  Thursdays.  She  knew  few  Rabbis, 
Gliickel  maintains,  who  read  their  prayers  with  so 
much  devotion  ( Kawono ) as  her  husband  did,  and  he 
would  not  interrupt  them  even  at  the  risk  of  losing 
great  opportunities.  To  her  he  is  “the  consumma- 
tion of  a good  Jew,”  patient  and  forgiving,  modest  to 
a fault,  never  putting  up  as  a candidate  for  any  honor- 


134 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


ary  office  in  the  community  and  exceedingly  honest 
in  money  transactions.11  Gluckel  is  not  a little  proud 
of  the  fact  that  such  a saint  and  good  Jew  held  her 
in  high  esteem  and  kept  her  “ like  the  apple  of  his 
eye,”  12  and  never  consulted  anybody  but  her,  though 
she  was  so  young.13 

The  newly-married  couple  found  Hameln,  as  it 
seems,  too  small  a place  for  their  commercial  enter- 
prises, and  moved  soon  to  Hamburg,  where  they  set- 
tled as  dealers  in  jewelry.  There  they  lived  in  a fair 
state  of  prosperity  for  thirty-eight  years,  Chayim 
travelling  far  and  wide,  carrying  his  trade  to  Leipzig, 
Frankfort,  and  Amsterdam,  and  Gluckel  attending  to 
her  household  and  nursing  the  children.  Anxious 
for  his  health,  she  prevailed  upon  him  to  take  a part- 
ner, and  she  sits  up  the  whole  night  drawing  up  the 
contracts.  I am  sorry  to  say  that  the  partnership  did 
not  prove  a success,  and  she  gets  a mild  scolding  for 
all  her  kindness.14  The  occasional  losses  of  money, 
death  of  relatives,  illness  of  children  (who  came  in 
rapid  succession  to  the  number  of  twelve),  belong  to 
the  regular  programme  of  life,  and  the  Hamelns  had 
their  share  of  sorrow  as  any  other  mortals.  “ The 
Almighty  is  just,”  Gluckel  comforts  herself.  ‘‘We 
sinful  creatures  know  not  what  is  good.  What  we 
look  upon  as  the  greatest  evil,  turns  out  to  be  the  best 
fortune  which  has  ever  befallen  us.”  15 

The  affairs  of  the  Jewish  community,  of  which 
the  younger  Hamelns  are  now  prominent  members, 
are  also  conducted  wisely  and  soberly  by  the  sage 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


135 


Parnasim,  the  congregation  incurring  no  new  debts, 
so  that  there  is  very  little  reason  for  excitement.16  The 
spiritual  life  is,  as  everywhere,  concentrated  in  the 
synagogue.  The  Chalphanim  (money-brokers),  who 
apparently  constituted  a large  part  of  the  Hamburg 
congregation,  Gliickel  tells  us,  go,  after  the  day’s 
work  is  over,  to  the  synagogue,  where  they  read 
Minchah.  Thence  they  proceed  to  their  various  Chcb- 
rahs  (a  sort  of  religious  club),  to  study  Torah  there.17 

The  only  great  public  event  during  Gluckel’s  resi- 
dence in  her  native  place  worth  recording,  was  the 
rise  of  the  Pseudo- Messiah  Sabbatai  Zebi.  The  Mes- 
sianic fever  which  spread  from  the  East  was  soon 
caught  by  almost  the  whole  of  European  Jewry,  and 
raged  most  violently  in  Hamburg. 

“ About  this  time  ” (1665  ?),  Gliickel  reports,  “peo- 
ple began  to  talk  of  Sabbatai  Zebi.  Woe  unto  us, 
for  we  have  sinned.  . . When  I think  of  the  ‘repent- 
ance done’  by  young  and  old  I despair  of  describing 
it.  . . And  what  joy  when  there  arrived  letters  from 
Smyrna ! Most  of  these  were  addressed  to  the 
Sephardim.  To  their  synagogue  the  Germans,  too, 
betook  themselves  to  hear  the  letters  read.  The 
Sephardic  youth  attending  the  meetings  appeared  in 
their  best  dress,  and  wore  the  colours  (green)  of  Sab- 
batai Zebi.  Many  sold  their  houses  and  farms,  and 
thus  prepared  for  early  emigration.  My  father-in-law 
left  his  house  and  furniture  in  Hameln  and  moved  to 
Hildesheim  (to  join  the  Jewish  community  there  in 
the  new  exodus),  and  even  sent  us  to  Hamburg  two 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


136 


boxes  full  of  good  things  as  provisions  for  the  way” 
(to  Palestine).  . . All  proved  an  illusion  after  nearly 
three  years  of  excitement.  “ O my  God  and  Lord, 
still  thy  people  Israel  despair  not,  but  trust  to  thy 
mercy  that  thou  wilt  redeem  them  whenever  it  will 
be  thy  holy  pleasure  to  do  so.  . . I am  certain  that 
thou  wouldst  long  before  have  had  mercy  with  us, 
were  we  but  to  fulfil  the  commandment,  ‘ Thou  shalt 
love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself.’  ” 18 

The  marriage  of  their  daughter  Zipporah  with 
Kossman  Gomperz,  the  son  of  Elia  Gomperz,  of 
Emmerich,  was  the  great  event  in  the  Hameln  family. 
For  Elia  was  the  most  prominent  Jew  in  the  Prus- 
sian provinces,  and  was  held  in  much  esteem  by  the 
Court  of  the  great  Elector  Frederick  William,  of 
Brandenburg,  who  employed  him  in  various  political 
missions  to  the  Dutch  Republic.  In  fact,  people  were 
not  willing  to  believe  that  the  match  would  ever  come 
off,  considering  that  Gomperz  was  a regular  German 
Kazin  (Prince  in  Israel),  whilst  the  Hamelns  had  no 
claim  to  such  distinction.  The  wedding,  which  took 
place  in  Cleves,  where  they  went  with  a suite  of 
twenty  people,  accompanied,  as  it  seems,  by  a band  of 
musicians,  was  the  triumph  of  Gliickel’s  life.  The 
house  in  which  the  guests  were  lodged  resembled  a 
regular  palace,  magnificently  furnished,  and  they  were 
constantly  receiving  visits  from  the  local  aristocracy, 
who  came  to  see  the  bride.  “ And,”  fond  and  foolish 
a mother  as  Gliickel  was,  she  adds,  “ for  a truth,  my 
daughter  looked  so  beautiful  that  nothing  ever  seen 


JfEMO/XS  OF  A JEWESS 


137 


could  be  compared  with  her.”  At  the  ceremony  itself, 
there  were  present,  besides  so  many  people  of  noble 
birth,  Frederick  III,  the  future  king  of  Prussia,  and 
Prince  Maurice  of  Nassau,  holding  all  the  time  the 
hand  of  her  dear  Mordecai,  a boy  of  five  years,  who, 
attired  in  his  best  frock,  was  declared  to  be  “ the  pret- 
tiest child  in  the  world.”  There  came  also  to  the 
wedding  many  influential  members  of  the  Jewish- 
Sephardic  community  (in  Amsterdam).  “ One 
among  them  was  named  Mocatti,  who  traded  in  dia- 
monds. They  were  all  so  much  occupied  in  prepar- 
ing a proper  reception  for  those  high  personages  that 
they  even  forgot  to  write  the  Kethubah,  so  that  the 
officiating  Rabbi  had  to  read  it  from  a book.”19  The 
festivities  concluded  with  the  appearance  of  masks, 
who  performed  the  death  dance.  Mrs.  Lily  Grove, 
in  her  charming  and  learned  book,  “Dancing,”  says 
that  it  is  still  customary  in  some  parts  of  Germany  to 
perform  it  at  weddings.  “ The  name  sounds  grue- 
some, but  it  is  a merry  sport,  in  which  kissing  is  not 
forgotten.” 

The  Memoirs,  besides  their  bearing  upon  the  social 
history  of  our  ancestors  in  ages  gone  by,  of  which 
illustrations  have  been  given  above,  have  also  a cer- 
tain theological  interest,  which  must  not  be  left  un- 
noticed. The  interest  will  perhaps  be  the  greater 
since  we  live  in  a time  in  which  ignorance  has  almost 
succeeded  in  making  the  world  believe  that  it  was 
only  with  the  introducing  of  the  holy  rite  of  confirma- 
tion that  Jewish  women  were  brought  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  synagogue. 


I3» 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


The  reader  hardly  expects  to  meet  with  a Jewish 
St.  Theresa.  Gliickel  was  not  a religieuse.  Piety  was 
not  her  profession.  “ I do  not  consider  myself fromm ” 
(pious),  she  says,  “I  am  actually  a sinful  woman  exempt 
fromvery  few  transgressions.  0 that  I might  be  worthy 
to  supplicate  (for  mercy)  and  to  be  really  repentant.” 
The  call  she  received — which,  let  us  hope,  was  not  less 
Divine  than  that  ever  heard  by  any  Abbess  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  or  any  lady  settlement  worker  about  to  devote  her 
life  to  the  cause  of  Humanity  in  modern  times — was  to 
be  a mother,  and  as  such  she  was  soon  absorbed  by  her 
household  duties,  nursing  her  darlings,  and  assisting 
her  husband  in  various  ways.  After  his  death  (1689), 
the  whole  burden  of  the  family  fell  on  her ; she 
had  both  to  carry  on  his  business  and  to  attend  to 
the  bringing  up  of  her  eight  orphans.  She  had  thus 
little  time  left  for  performing  real  or  apparent  devotions. 
Nor  do  we  think  that  she  could  lay  any  claim  to  a “ su- 
perior education.”  Her  Memoirs  are  written  in  Hebrew 
letters,  but  the  language  is  the  current  Judisch-Deutsch 
of  the  time.  Her  father,  she  tells  us,  had  his  children 
instructed  both  in  things  heavenlyand  things  worldly.20 
By  the  latter  she  probably  understood  some  know- 
ledge of  French  and  playing  on  the  “ Klaffenzimmer  ” 
(Clavier),  in  which  art  her  half-sister  was  highly 
accomplished.21  We  may  also  assume  that  she  knew 
sufficient  Hebrew  to  read  her  daily  prayers  and  to 
understand  various  familiar  phrases  and  terms,  which 
became  almost  a part  of  the  language  of  the  Juden- 
gasse.  But  we  doubt  whether  she  was  ever  able  to 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


139 


read  a Hebrew  book  with  ease.  At  least  we  know 
that  when  she  wished  to  make  herself  acquainted  with 
the  contents  of  R.  Abraham  Hurwitz’s  Ethical  Will, 
she  had  to  have  it  read  to  her  in  an  extempore  German 
translation.22  The  store  from  which  she  drew  her 
spiritual  nourishment  was,  apart  from  the  Bible,  that 
edifying  literature  written  in  Judisch-Deutsch  so 
admirably  described  in  an  essay  by  the  late  Dr.  P.  F. 
Frankl  on  the  Erbauungslecture  unserer  AltvorderenJ 3 
But  such  books  could  be  and  were  probably  read  by 
all  who  were  educated  at  the  Cheder  in  their  youth, 
as  Gliickel  had  been.24  Her  views  about  God  and  the 
world  offer  thus  nothing  exceptional,  but  just  on  that 
account  they  are  the  more  interesting  to  us  as  repre- 
senting the  general  way  of  thinking  by  Jewish  women 
of  that  age. 

She  opens  her  Memoirs  with  the  words  : “ What- 

soever the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  created,  he 
created  but  for  his  glory.  The  world  is  built  up  by 
mercy.  We  know  that  God,  praised  be  he  and 
praised  be  his  name,  does  not  require  us  ...  . but 
created  everything  out  of  sheer  lovingkindness  and 
mercy.” 25  This  is  followed  by  a long  theodicy  explain- 
ing and  justifying  the  ways  of  Providence.  Her  rea- 
soning is  just  as  little  cogent  as  that  of  all  other 
theodicies.  The  real  point  is  that,  she  herself  being 
convinced  of  the  soundness  of  her  argument,  hers 
was  a just  God,  and  she  had  not  to  face  the  taunt 
hurled  against  those  who,  carrying  the  doctrine  of 
necessity  to  its  utmost  consequences,  were  told  that 


140 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


they  ought  to  add  to  their  creed  : “ I believe  in  God 
because  he  is  unjust.” 

The  conception  of  God’s  mercy  and  love  pervades 
all  of  Gliickel’s  thoughts.  She  expresses  herself  in 
the  following  way:  “ The  great  good  God  is  merciful. 
We  are  his  children.  His  mercy  upon  us  surpasses 
that  of  a father  (of  flesh  and  blood).  For  this  latter 
may  sometimes  lose  patience  with  his  wicked  son  and 
disown  him  at  last;  but  we  poor  children  are  con- 
stantly sinning  against  God.  Still  the  great,  good 
Heavenly  Father,  in  spite  of  the  impurity  attaching  to 
us  through  our  transgressions,  tells  us  that  we  have 
only  to  repent  of  our  sins,  and  he  will  again  receive 
us  as  his  children.  Hence,  my  heartily  beloved 

children,  despair  not The  Lord  is  merciful 

and  gracious,  long-suffering,  to  righteous  and  to 
sinners  alike.”  26  Even  suffering  and  pain  are  only  an 
effluence  of  God’s  goodness.  The  sinful  creatures  are 
mischievous  children  in  whose  education  the  great 
gracious  God  takes  a pleasure,  so  that  we  may  be 
worthy  children  and  servants  of  our  Father  and 
Lord.27  “ I implore  you,”  she  says  to  her  children, 
“ to  accept  everything  that  God  sends  (suffering 
and  pain)  in  a humble  and  submissive  spirit,  and  never 
cease  to  pray  to  him.  We  sinful  creatures  know  not 
what  is  really  good  for  us.”  28  We  ought  to  rejoice  in 
suffering  and  thank  God  for  it.  And  on  a certain 
occasion  of  great  grief  and  loss  which  she  could  not 
help  feeling  deeply,  she  reproached  herself  with  the 
words : “I  know  that  this  complaining  and  mourning 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


141 

is  a weakness  of  mine.  It  would  be  much  better  for 
me  to  praise  and  thank  the  great  and  gracious  God  for 
all  his  mercy  toward  such  an  unworthy  woman  as  I 
am.  How  many  better  and  worthier  people  are  there 
who  have  not  the  means  of  defraying  even  a single 
meal.”  29  On  another  similar  sad  occasion  she  says: 
“And  for  all  this  I thank  and  praise  thee,  my  Creator, 
who,  even  in  thy  chastisement,  showest  to  me,  an 
unworthy,  sinful  woman,  more  grace  and  mercy  than 
I deserve,  and  teachest  me  through  these  troubles 
patience  and  humility.  ...  I do  pray  thee,  Almighty 
good  God,  for  thy  grace,  which  will  give  me  the 
strength  to  serve  thee,  so  that  I may  not  appear  in  a 
state  of  impurity  before  thee.”  30 

The  appearance  before  God  takes  place  after  death 
when  man  has  “ to  give  account  and  reckoning  before 
the  King  of  kings,  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he.” 
This  belief  in  immortality,  which  permeates  all  her 
thoughts,  forms  a part  of  Gliickel’s  theodicy;  for  it  is 
in  the  next  world  that  man  has  to  pay  his  real  debts 
or  has  to  expect  his  real  reward,  wherefore  he  should 
submit  to  suffering  in  meekness  and  joy  as  a means 
of  salvation.31  The  terror  of  sin  consists  partly  in  this, 
that  in  some  mystical  way  it  takes  possession  of  man’s 
soul,  so  that  not  even  death  can  relieve  him,  and  it 
accompanies  him  to  the  next  world.32  In  brief,  the 
soul  is  given  in  trust  to  man  only  for  a certain  time, 
returning  unto  him  who  has  given  it  to  us.33  And 
when  the  “ crown  of  her  head  ” was  so  roughly  removed 
by  the  premature  death  of  her  husband,  her  comfort 


142 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


was  that  he  was  transplanted  to  a better  and  eternal 
world.  “It  is  for  us,”  she  continues,  “to  pray  that  our 
end  should  be  in  accordance  with  his  will  and  plea- 
sure, and  that  it  should  please  the  Most  High  to  bring 
us  to  the  Gan  Eden."  34  The  world  is  a stormy  sea 
full  of  dangerous  temptations,  in  which  man  is  easily 
drowned.  But  the  Torah  is  the  life-belt  which  the 
great,  gracious  God  has  thrown  out  in  these  bottom- 
less depths  that  man  may  get  hold  of  it  and  be  saved. 
This  is  the  meaning  of  the  words  in  the  Scripture, 
“ Therefore  choose  life.”  35 

This  was  the  belief  of  Jewish  men  and  Jewish 
women  for  thousands  of  years,  and  we  would  hardly 
dwell  on  it  but  for  the  fact  that  a certain  class  of 
amateur  theologians,  who  supply  our  periodical  liter- 
ature with  divinity  and  morality,  show  a strong  bias 
to  make  the  doctrine  of  immortality  an  exclusive 
monopoly  of  Christianity.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  attitude  of  ancient  Judaism  towards  this  doctrine, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that  belief  in  reward  and 
punishment  after  death  has  been  an  essential  dogma 
of  the  Synagogue  for  more  than  two  thousand  years. 
“ The  way  to  eternal  life  or  salvation  is  given  in  the 
holy  beloved  Torah.” 

The  term  Heavenly  Father  is  with  Gluckel,  as  with 
many  Jewish  moralists,  a favourite  expression.  And, 
she  argues,  if  we  are  commanded  in  the  Torah  to 
honour  our  parents,  how  much  more  careful  must  we 
be  to  honour  our  Father  in  heaven,  and  not  do  any- 
thing that  might  call  forth  the  anger  of  the  great, 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


143 


kindly  God.36  “ The  readiness  of  our  ancestor  Abra- 
ham to  sacrifice  his  only  son  Isaac  at  the  command  of 
God — and  I,  as  a mother,  know  that  parents  suffer 
more  at  seeing  their  children  in  affliction  than  when 
they  are  themselves  in  pain — should  alone  suffice  as 
an  example  how  to  serve  God,  and  to  give  up  for 
his  sake  all  worldly  considerations  and  joys.”  37 

Another  main  point  is,  Thou  shalt  love  thy 
neighbour  as  thyself,  which,  she  says,  “is  so  little 
observed  in  our  generation.”  “We  know,”  she 
says,  “ that  it  is  the  Most  High  who  said  it,  and  if  we 
were  truly  pious  from  the  bottom  of  our  hearts  and 
not  so  bad  as  we  are,  I am  certain  that  God  would 
have  mercy  with  us,  if  we  would  only  keep  the  said 
law.”  38  It  is  interesting  to  notice  how  like  a child 
Gliiclcel  speaks  of  the  law  and  its  commandments. 
When  reading  of  the  crime  of  certain  of  her  co-religion- 
ists, who  tried  to  hide  it  afterwards,  she  says,  “ But  it  is 
written  in  our  Ten  Words , ‘Thou  shalt  not  steal,’  and 
therefore  the  Omnipresent,  blessed  be  he,  did  not  help 
them.” 39  But  with  wives  and  mothers  the  first  lessons 
in  altruism  are  given  in  the  family  circle,  and  charity 
begins  with  them  at  home ; “ for  the  great  Heavenly 
Father  and  only  God  has  established  in  his  wisdom  ” 
that  we  first  love  our  children,  then  our  near  relatives ; 
otherwise  the  world  could  not  exist.40  There  is, 
indeed,  a certain  practical  vein  running  through  the 
whole  of  these  Memoirs,  showing  that  she  well  knew 
how  to  take  care  of  herself.  But  even  in  her  harsh 
moments,  which  are  usually  when  she  thinks  that 


144 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


the  offspring  of  Chayim  and  Gluckel  Hameln  are 
not  so  well  treated  by  the  world  as  they  deserve, 
she  is  always  under  the  control  of  religion,  and 
reproaches  herself  for  her  complaints.  “ Great,  Only 
God,  I implore  thee  from  the  depth  of  my  heart  to 
forgive  me,  because  it  is  possible  that  I have  wronged 
him  (the  enemy  of  her  son).  Perhaps  he  acted  as  he 
did  (with  the  best  intentions)  for  God’s  sake.”  41  On 
another  similar  occasion  she  prays  that  the  Name, 
blessed  be  he,  should  forgive  those  who  enticed  a 
relative  of  hers  to  live  in  Hameln,  which  was  the 
cause  of  great  misfortune  and  misery  to  him.  Lastly, 
we  give  here  her  injunctions  to  her  children  for  whose 
benefit  these  Memoirs  were  composed,  and  whom  she 
entreats  to  be  indulgent  with  her  as  she  was  in  great 
distress  when  she  wrote  them.  “Serve  God,”  she 
says,  “ my  dear  children,  with  all  your  hearts,  with- 
out hypocrisy  and  falsehood.  . . . Say  your  prayers 
with  devotion  and  awe.  . . . and  do  not  interrupt 
them  by  talk,  which  you  must  consider  as  a great 
sin.  . . . But  have  a fixed  time  for  the  study  of  the 
Torah  every  day.  Attend  diligently  to  your  business, 
for  the  providing  a livelihood  for  one’s  wife  and  chil- 
dren is  a great  religious  work  ( Mitzwah ).  In  particular, 
be  honest  in  your  money  dealings,  both  with  Jews 
and  non-Jews,  so  that  the  name  of  Heaven  be  not 
profaned  through  you.  If  you  have  in  hand  money 
or  wares  of  other  people,  then  be  more  anxious  about 
them  than  if  they  were  your  own  ; so  that  you,  God 
forbid,  wrong  nobody.  The  first  question  put  to  man 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


145 


in  the  next  world  is,  whether  he  was  faithful  in  his 
money  transactions.”  42  “ I give  thanks  and  praise 

to  God,”  she  says  somewhere,  “who  enabled  me  to 
leave  Hamburg  without  owing  a farthing  to  Jew  or 
Christian.”  43 

Gluckel  survived  her  husband  for  nearly  thirty-five 
years.  It  is  a gloomy,  hard  life  which  she  leads,  full 
of  care,  anxiety,  and  trouble.  She  travels  far  and 
wide  to  the  great  fairs,  which  expose  her  to  the  most 
unbearable  heat  in  summer  and  bitterest  cold  in  win- 
ter, and  spends  the  days  in  her  warehouse.44  As  it 
would  seem,  her  plans  were,  after  settling  her  chil- 
dren in  life,  “to  give  up  the  vanities  of  the  world,  and, 
as  every  pious  and  good  Jewess  ought  to  do,  emigrate 
to  Palestine  to  serve  there  the  Lord  with  all  her  soul 
and  all  her  might.”  45  But  this  was  not  to  be.  For  her 
children,  aware  of  her  intentions,  are  naturally  anxious 
to  retain  her  near  them  ; and  it  is  at  their  urging  that, 
after  having  refused  many  proposals,  she  allows  her- 
self to  be  persuaded  to  enter  wedlock  for  a second 
time  with  Cerf  Levy  of  Metz,  where  her  daughter 
Esther  Schwab  lived.  The  wedding  with  Cerf  Levy, 
the  Parnas  of  the  Jewish  community  and  the  greatest 
banker  in  Lorraine,  took  place  in  Metz  in  1 700 ; and 
with  it  begins  a new  series  of  misery  and  distress  in 
Gliickel’s  life.  For  Levy,  after  two  years  (1702),  fails 
in  his  business,  the  firm  is  ruined,  and  Gluckel,  who 
is  so  proud  of  her  good  name  in  the  commercial 
world,  has  the  mortification  to  see  her  husband  un- 
able to  fulfil  his  obligations  toward  his  creditors.  The 


146 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


little  fortune  she  brought  to  him  was  also  lost,  and 
they  had  to  live  on  a grant  from  his  children.  Levy 
dies  a broken-hearted  man  in  1712.  Gluckel,  who 
always  dreaded  the  thought  of  becoming  a burden  to 
her  children,  lived  for  three  years  longer  in  great 
isolation  and  privation,  till  at  last  (1715)  starvation 
compelled  her  to  yield  to  the  entreaties  of  her  good 
daughter  Esther,  who  was  the  support  and  the  con- 
solation of  her  old  age.  Gluckel  despairs  of  doing 
justice  to  Esther’s  virtues.  She  is  modest,  saving, 
and  an  excellent  housekeeper,  and  her  mother-in-law, 
Frau  Jachet-Agathe  Schwab,  bears  witness  to  the 
superiority  of  Esther  to  herself  in  the  great  art  of  pre- 
paring nice  dishes.  She  is  very  regular  in  her  attend- 
ance at  the  synagogue,  never  absenting  herself  from 
any  Divine  service.  Her  house  is  open  wide  to  the 
poor,  and  her  table  is  always  adorned  by  the  presence 
of  her  Rabbi  (a  sort  of  domestic  chaplain)  and  that  of 
an  alumnus  of  the  Talmudical  College.46  She  and  her 
husband,  who  is  now  Parnas  of  the  community,  are 
popular  with  poor  and  rich,  all  enjoying  their  hospi- 
tality. As  to  Gluckel  herself,  they  are  exceedingly 
kind  to  her,  “showing  her  all  the  honours  in  the  world” 
and  treating  her  with  great  consideration  and  regard. 
“ May  Heaven  reward  them”  for  all  their  goodness.47 

Gluckel,  who  continued  her  Memoirs  to  1719, 
died  on  the  19th  of  September,  1724.  She  departed 
from  this  world  “with  a good  name.”  The  Memoirs 
were  copied  out  by  her  grandson,  Moses  Hameln, 
Chief  Rabbi  of  Baiersdorf.  After  a hundred  and 


MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS 


147 


seventy- two  years  of  dead  silence  Gliickel  speaks  to 
us  again.  And  her  words  are  well  worth  listening 
to. 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS1 


Some  two  years  ago,  in  a conversation  with  a lady 
of  the  Jewish  persuasion,  of  high  culture  and  wide 
reading,  she  made  the  remark  to  me  that,  as  far  as  she 
knows,  Judaism  is  the  only  one  among  the  great  reli- 
gions which  has  never  produced  a saint,  and  that  there 
is,  indeed,  no  room  in  it  for  that  element  of  saintliness 
which,  in  other  creeds,  forms  the  goal  the  true  be- 
liever endeavors  to  reach.  The  conclusion  which  she 
drew  from  this  alleged  fact  was,  that  good  enough  as 
Judaism  may  prove  for  the  daily  wear  and  tear  of  life, 
men  and  women  of  finer  texture  of  soul  than  the  com- 
mon run  of  humanity  must  look  to  other  religions  for 
higher  aspirations  than  to  that  which  had  come  down 
to  her  from  her  ancestors. 

Strange  as  such  an  assertion  must  appear  to  the 
student  of  Hebrew  literature,  I was  not  altogether 
surprised  at  her  statements,  considering  the  religious 
environment  in  which  she  had  been  brought  up. 
Carlyle  said  of  Voltaire  that  “ he  dearly  loved  truth, 
but  of  the  triumphant  kind.”  My  lady-friend  loved 
Judaism  fairly  in  her  own  patronising  way,  but  her 
Judaism  was  of  the  sane  and  plausible  kind.  It  made  no 
demand  on  faith.  It  was  devoid  of  dogma,  and  shunned 
everything  in  the  nature  of  a doctrine.  Its  great 
virtue  consisted  in  its  elasticity,  in  being  adaptable  to 
the  latest  result  of  the  latest  reconstruction  of  the  Bible, 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


149 


and  in  being  compatible  with  any  system  of  philosophy 
ever  advanced, — provided,  of  course,  that  the  system 
in  question  was  still  a subject  of  languid  conversation 
in  fashionable  drawing-rooms.  Above  all,  Judaism 
was  with  her  a sober  religion,  hostile  to  all  excesses 
of  mysticism  and  enthusiasm,  all  prudence  and  com- 
mon sense,  but  little  of  wisdom  and  less  of  soul  and 
emotion.  But  enthusiasm  and  mysticism  are  the  very 
soil  upon  which  saintliness  thrives  best.  It  is,  there- 
fore, not  to  be  wondered  at  if  Saints  and  Saintliness 
were  excluded  from  Judaism  as  conceived  by  her  and 
her  teachers. 

It  is  not  my  intention  to  enter  into  a controversy 
as  to  such  a conception  of  Judaism.  Starting  afresh 
in  the  world  as  we  did,  to  a certain  extent,  at  the  end 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  it  was  only  natural  that 
with  the  zeal  of  new  converts  we  should  be  eager  to 
assimilate  all  sorts  of  ideas  ; and  whilst  we  have  learned 
a good  deal  of  Latin,  a good  deal  of  Greek,  a good 
deal  of  history,  and  also  acquired  some  methodical 
habits  in  our  scientific  work,- — for  all  of  which  benefits 
we  ought  to  feel  truly  grateful, — we  have  been  at  the 
same  time  too  much  accessible  to  all  kinds  of  rational- 
istic platitudes,  and  to  a sort  of  free-thinking  and 
materialistic  dogmatism  long  ago  obsolete  among  the 
great  majority  of  thinkers.  It  is  ample  time  that 
we  become  free  men,  and  begin  to  use  our  powers  of 
discretion.  We  ought  to  remember  that  we  live  now 
in  the  twentieth  century,  not  at  the  end  of  the  eigh- 
teenth. True,  the  twentieth  century  is  still  in  its  in- 


150 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


fancy,  and  has  hardly  had  time  to  develop  a line  of 
thought  of  its  own.  But  as  it  is  the  heir  of  the  past, 
we  know  that  among  the  ideals  bequeathed  to  it  by 
the  last  decades  of  the  nineteenth  century  which  it 
cherishes  most,  are  the  following : That  in  religion 
catholicity  is  good,  sectarianism  is  bad;  that  great 
religions  can  live  only  on  ideas  and  ideals,  not  on 
mere  organisation;  that  plausibility  is  more  often  a 
sign  of  mediocrity  than  a test  of  truth  ; that  soberness 
is  good,  but  that  inspiration  and  enthusiasm  are  better, 
and  that  every  religion  wanting  in  the  necessary  sprink- 
ling of  Saints  and  Saintliness  is  doomed  in  the  end 
to  degenerate  into  commonplace  virtues  in  action,  and 
Philistinism  in  thought,  certain  to  disappear  at  the  first 
contact  with  higher  life  and  higher  thought. 

It  will  readily  be  perceived  that  under  these  altered 
conditions  of  thought  there  must  be  much  in  the 
scheme  of  salvation  drawn  up  some  seventy  or  eighty 
years  ago  that  is  badly  in  need  of  revision.  And  this 
revision  does  take  place,  in  spite  of  all  the  frenzied 
attacks  upon  romanticism,  mysticism,  and  Orientalism. 
The  only  section  of  humanity  never  afflicted  with 
this  last  vice  were,  as  far  as  I know,  the  Red  Indians. 
They  were  good  Western  gentlemen  sans  reproche , 
without  a taint  of  Orientalism  and  all  its  terrible  con- 
sequences. However,  I do  not  wish  to  argue  this 
point  just  now.  Here  we  shall  confine  ourselves  to 
the  subject  of  Saints  and  Saintliness  in  Judaism,  an 
aspect  of  Judaism  almost  entirely  neglected  by  our 
“theologians.” 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


151 


The  best  Hebrew  equivalent  for  the  term  saint  is 
the  adjective  TDrt,  commonly  used  in  the  sense  of 
pious,  devout,  reverend,  godly;  but  the  noun  iDn  is 
found  together  with  jn  and  D'Om,  thus  implying  the 
qualities  of  grace,  graciousness,  gracefulness,  and 
kindness.  Thus  we  read  of  Esther,  “And  the  King 
loved  Esther  above  all  the  women,  and  she  obtained  jn 
and  non  in  his  sight”  (Esther  2 : 17);  that  is  to  say, 
she  found  grace  and  kindness  in  his  sight.  Of  the 
virtuous  woman  it  is  said,  “She  opens  her  mouth  with 
wisdom,  and  in  her  tongue  is  "ion  min,  the  law  of 
kindness  (or  graciousness)  ” (Prov.  31 : 26).  When 
God  reminds  Israel  of  the  honeymoon  at  the  outset 
of  her  spiritual  career,  when  she  was  wedded  to  the 
Torah,  he  says,  “ I remember  thee  the  grace  (non)  of 
thy  youth,”  etc.  (Jer.  2 : 2).  When  an  ancient 
Rabbi  wanted  to  be  polite  to  a newly-married  couple, 
he  would  compliment  the  bride  with  the  words,  nfcU 
mioni  (beautiful  and  graceful).2  Applied  to  matters 
spiritual,  the  best  equivalent  for  CTOn  or  niTDn  would 
be  “beautiful  souls.” 

Closely  connected  with  the  terms  Chasiduth  and 
Chasid  are  the  terms  Kedushah  (holiness)  and 
Kadosh  (holy).  The  two  ideas  are  so  naturally 
allied  with  each  other  that  they  are  interchangeably 
used  in  Rabbinic  texts.  But  it  must  be  remarked 
that  the  term  Kedushah  does  not  entirely  cover  the 
English  word  holiness,  the  mystical  and  higher  aspect 
of  it  being  better  represented  by  the  term  Chasiduth 
(saintliness).  Whilst  I shall  thus  consider  myself  at 


152 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


liberty  to  utilise  freely  such  Biblical  and  Rabbinic  mat- 
ter as  gives  evidence  of  the  existence  and  nature  of 
Kedushah  in  Judaism,  I shall,  on  the  other  hand,  try 
to  sift  the  material  in  such  a way  as  to  give  promi- 
nence to  the  element  of  Chasiduth,  and  all  that  this 
term  implies. 

The  notion  of  Chasiduth,  or  saintliness,  is  variously 
described  by  different  Jewish  writers.  The  only 
point  about  which  they  fairly  agree  is  the  feature  of 
individualism  that  distinguishes  the  Chasid,  or  saint, 
from  other  religionists.3  The  golden  mean,  so  much 
praised  by  philosophers  and  teachers  of  ethics,  has 
no  existence  for  him,  and  he  is  rather  inclined  to  ex- 
cesses. Nor  can  he  be  measured  by  the  standard  of 
the  Law,  for  it  is  one  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
saint  that  he  never  waits  for  a distinctive  command- 
ment. The  various  precepts  of  the  Bible  are  for  him 
so  many  memoranda,  or  head-lines,  each  leading  to 
new  trains  of  thought  and  suggestive  of  any  number 
of  inferences.  But  inferences  are  subject  to  different 
interpretations.4  Hence  the  fact  that  each  writer 
emphasises  the  special  feature  in  the  saint  with  which 
he  was  most  in  sympathy  by  reason  of  his  own  bent 
of  mind  or  particular  religious  passion.  The  saint 
thus  belonging  to  the  subjective  species,  our  theme 
would  be  best  treated  by  a series  of  monographs,  or 
lives  of  the  various  saints.  But  those  could  hardly 
be  brought  within  the  compass  of  an  essay.  It  will 
therefore  be  best  for  our  purpose  to  combine  the 
various  features  characteristic  of  the  saint  into  a gen- 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


153 


eral  sketch,  though  such  a mode  of  treatment  will 
necessarily  bring  more  into  prominence  the  thing 
saintliness,  than  the  person  practising  it. 

In  speaking  of  saints  it  should  be  premised  that  I 
am  not  referring  to  organisations  or  societies  bearing 
this  name.  The  references  in  Jewish  literature  to  such 
oi'ganisations  are  few  and  of  a doubtful  nature,  and 
will  certainly  not  stand  the  test  of  any  scientific 
criticism.  Besides,  one  does  not  become  a saint 
by  reason  of  a corporate  act,  or  by  subscribing  to  a 
certain  set  of  rules,  though  a man  may  be  a saint 
despite  his  being  a member  of  a society  or  community 
composed  of  professional  saints.  Saintliness  is  essen- 
tially a subjective  quality.  An  ancient  Rabbi  put  the 
matter  well  when  he  said,  “As  often  as  Israel  per- 
ceived the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  they  became 
saints.”  3 Put  in  a modern  equivalent,  we  should  say 
that  saintliness  is  the  effect  of  a personal  religious  ex- 
perience when  man  enters  into  close  communion  with 
the  Divine.  Some  New  England  mystic  describes  such 
communion  as  the  mingling  of  the  individual  soul  with 
the  universal  soul.  This  is  just  as  obscure  as  any  other 
term  the  new  or  the  old  world  may  choose  to  de- 
scribe old  ideas.  When  the  Rabbis  spoke  of  per- 
ceiving God,  they  probably  thought  of  Psalm  17:  15, 
“I  will  behold  thy  face  in  righteousness;  I will  be 
satisfied  when  I awake  with  thine  image.”  6 Some 
versions  paraphrase  the  second  half  of  the  just  quoted 
verse:  “I  will  be  satisfied  by  gazing  on  thy  like- 
ness,” an  expression  denoting  the  highest  fellowship 


154 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


with  God,  almost,  as  it  were,  a fellowship  of  the 
senses. 

As  to  the  way  in  which  these  blissful  moments  of 
close  communion  with  the  Divine  might  be  made  last- 
ing and  effective,  the  Rabbis  give  us  a hint  when  they 
say  that  Israel,  when  they  became  saints,  sang  a song.7 
The  same  thought  may  also  perhaps  be  divined  in 
the  words  of  another  Rabbi,  who  maintained  that 
saintliness  consists  in  man’s  zealous  compliance  with 
the  prescriptions  in  Berachoth,  the  Talmudic  tractate 
dealing  mostly  with  matter  appertaining  to  benediction 
and  prayer.8  Under  song  and  prayer  we  have  to 
understand  all  those  manifestations  of  the  soul  in 
which  the  individual  attempts  to  reciprocate  his 
revelation  of  the  Divine.  As  was  pointed  out  in 
another  place9  with  regard  to  the  Bible,  its  unique 
character  consists  in  furnishing  us  with  both  the  reve- 
lation of  God  to  man,  as  given  in  the  Pentateuch  and 
in  the  Prophets,  and  the  revelation  of  man  to  God,  as 
contained  in  the  Psalms  and  in  other  portions  of  the 
Scriptures  of  a liturgical  nature.10  Hence  the  value 
the  saint  attached  to  prayer.  He  longs  for  the 
moments  when  he  can  pour  out  his  soul  before  his 
God  in  adoration  and  supplication.  The  hours  of  the 
day  appointed  for  the  three  prayers,  evening,  morning, 
and  noon,  are  for  him,  a Jewish  saint  expresses  it,  the 
very  heart  of  the  day.11  Apparently,  however,  the 
saint  is  not  satisfied  with  these  appointed  times.  He 
is  so  full  of  expectation  of  the  time  of  prayer,  that  he 
devotes  a whole  hour  of  preparation  to  put  himself  in 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


155 


the  proper  frame  of  mind  for  it,  and  he  is  so  reluctant 
to  sever  himself  from  such  blissful  moments  that  he 
lingers  for  a whole  hour  after  the  prayer,  in  “after- 
meditation.” It  was  in  this  way  that  the  ancient  saints 
spent  nine  hours  of  the  day  in  meditation  and  suppli- 
cation.” The  ancient  Rabbis  had  a special  formula  of 
thanksgiving  for  the  privilege  of  prayer,  and  the  saints 
availed  themselves  of  this  privilege  to  its  full  extent.13 
Besides  the  obligatory  prayers,  the  Jewish  saint  had  his 
own  individual  prayers,  some  of  which  have  come 
down  to  us.  The  burden  of  these  is  mostly  an  appeal 
to  God’s  mercy  for  help,  that  he  may  find  him  worthy 
to  do  his  will.  “May  it  be  thy  will,”  runs  one  of 
these  prayers,  “that  we  be  single-hearted  in  the  fear 
of  thy  name;  that  thou  remove  us  from  all  thou 
hatest ; that  thou  bring  us  near  to  all  thou  lovest, 
and  that  thou  deal  with  us  graciously  for  thy  name’s 
sake.” 14  Another  Rabbi  prayed,  “ It  is  revealed  before 
thee,  God,  that  we  have  not  the  power  to  resist  the 
evil  inclination.  May  it  be  thy  will  to  remove  it  from 
us,  so  that  we  may  accomplish  thy  will  with  a perfect 
heart.” 15  In  such  prayer  God  and  man  meet,  for,  as  an 
old  Agadist  expressed  it,  in  a rather  hyperbolic  way, 
“From  the  beginning  of  the  world,  the  Holy  One, 
blessed  be  he,  established  a tent  for  himself  in  Jeru- 
salem, in  which,  if  one  may  say  so,  he  prayed,  ‘May 
it  be  my  will  that  my  children  accomplish  my  will.’  ” 16 
Midnight,  with  its  awe-inspiring  silence  and  the 
feeling  of  utter  isolation  which  comes  upon  man,  was 
considered  by  the  saints  as  another  favourable  moment 


156 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


for  prayer.  In  allusion  to  Psalm  1 19  : 62,  the  Rabbis 
report  that  above  the  couch  of  David  there  hung  a 
harp.17  “The  midnight  breeze,  as  it  rippled  aver  the 
strings,  made  such  music  that  the  poet-king  was  con- 
strained to  rise  from  his  bed,  and,  till  the  dawn  flushed 
the  Eastern  skies,  he  wedded  words  to  the  strains.” 
The  music  was  not  silenced  with  the  disappearance  of 
the  harp  of  David.  It  kept  awake  many  a Jewish 
saint  even  during  the  Middle  Ages.  Of  one  of  these 
saints  the  record  is  that  he  used  to  rise  up  in  the 
depths  of  the  night  and  pray  : “ My  God,  thou  hast 

brought  upon  me  starvation  and  penury.  Into  the 
depths  of  darkness  thou  hast  driven  me,  and  thy 
might  and  strength  hast  thou  taught  me.  But  even 
if  they  burn  me  in  fire,  only  the  more  will  I love  thee 
and  rejoice  in  thee,  for  so  said  the  Prophet,  ‘And 
thou  shalt  love  thy  God  with  all  thy  heart.'  ” 18  In  the 
later  Middle  Ages,  a whole  liturgy  was  developed, 
known  under  the  name  of  ni^n  pp'n,  or  “The  Order 
of  Prayers  for  Midnight.”  It  is  composed  of  a collec- 
tion of  Psalms  and  Biblical  verses,  mostly  of  a mourn- 
ful nature,  expressing  Israel’s  grief  over  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Holy  Temple  and  the  suffering  of  God’s 
children  in  the  dispersion.  It  is  accompanied  by  a 
number  of  soul-stirring  hymns,  composed  by  the  poets 
of  the  Synagogue.  They  are  mostly  of  a deep,  spirit- 
ual nature,  of  matchless  beauty,  infinitely  superior  to 
any  we  have  acquired  lately  in  our  modern  hymn 
books.19  It  is  one  of  the  great  tragedies  of  modern 
Judaism  that  it  knows  itself  so  little.  A people  that 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


157 


has  produced  the  Psalmists,  a R.  Judah  Halevi,  a R. 
Israel  Nagara,  and  other  hymnologists  and  liturgists 
counted  by  hundreds,  has  no  need  to  pass  round  the 
hat  to  all  possible  denominations  begging  for  a prayer 
or  a hymn.  It  contains  further  a confession  of  sins 
which  are  the  cause  of  deferring  the  manifestation  of 
the  glory  of  God  and  the  establishing  of  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  on  earth.  Perhaps  I may  remark  that  con- 
fession of  sin  is  an  especial  feature  of  the  Jewish  liturgy, 
which  the  Jew  is  eager  to  repeat  as  often  as  the  op- 
portunity offers  itself.  The  Occidental  man,  in  his 
self-complacency,  thinks  this  a mark  of  Oriental  crin- 
ging, unworthy  of  a citizen  who  believes  himself  good, 
and  is  prosperous.  Perhaps  the  reader  will  be  more 
reconciled  to  this  feature  in  our  liturgy  if  I quote  the 
following  from  a letter  of  Lincoln  to  Thurlow  Weed. 
It  probably  refers  to  a passage  in  his  second  inau- 
gural, in  which,  if  I am  not  mistaken,  he  makes  the 
whole  nation  a participant  in  the  sin  of  slavery.  He 
writes : “ I believe  it  is  not  immediately  popular. 

Men  are  not  flattered  by  being  shown  that  there  has 
been  a difference  of  purpose  between  them  and  the 
Almighty.  To  deny  it,  however,  in  this  case,  is  to 
deny  that  there  is  a God  governing  the  world.  It  is  a 
truth  which  I thought  needed  to  be  told,  and,  as 
whatever  of  humiliation  there  is  in  it  falls  most  directly 
on  myself,  I thought  others  might  afford  for  me  to 
tell  it.” 20  When  the  Jewish  saint  said,  “We  have 
sinned,  we  have  betrayed,”  and  so  on,  he  meant 
chiefly  himself,  and  others  might  at  least  afford  for 
him  to  tell  it. 


158 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


The  Sabbath,  with  its  opportunities  for  rest  and 
devotion,  is  described  as  the  harvest  of  the  week,21  the 
advent  of  which  is  impatiently  awaited  by  the  saint. 
It  is  a gift  of  the  Lord,  and  the  saint  shows  his  grati- 
tude by  the  preparations  he  makes  to  accept  it.  In- 
deed, he  would  avoid  anything  which  in  some  cir- 
cuitous way  might  lead  to  the  breaking  of  the  Sab- 
bath, even  in  such  cases  where  breaking  it  would  be 
permitted  by  the  Law.  Queen  Sabbath  is  met  by 
him  on  her  way  with  song  and  praise,  and  greeted 
royally  ; and  when  she  has  arrived,  he  experiences 
that  sense  of  the  plus-soul,  or  over-soul,22  which  im- 
parts to  his  devotion  and  his  rest  a foretaste  of  the 
bliss  to  come.  Other  nations,  it  is  pointed  out,  have 
also  days  of  rest,  but  they  stand  in  the  same  relation 
to  the  Jewish  Sabbath  as  a copy  to  the  original — 
wanting  in  life  and  soul.23  The  Sabbath  is  mystically 
described  as  the  mate  of  Israel.24  Hence,  with  the 
saint,  every  profane  or  secular  thought  would  be  con- 
sidered as  a breach  of  connubial  duty.  And  when, 
against  his  will,  his  thoughts  were  directed  to  money 
transactions,  or  improvement  in  his  estate,  the  saint 
would  decline  to  profit  by  them.25  But,  as  a rule,  his 
very  thoughts  rest  on  that  day.  Even  in  the  prayers 
nothing  concerning'  mundane  affairs  is  allowed  to  come 
in.26  It  is  all  joy  and  no  contrition.  It  is  entirely  the 
day  of  the  Lord. 

The  same  may  be  applied  to  the  festivals,  which 
the  saint  observes  with  similar  strictness ; for  they  are 
so  many  occasions  of  enjoying  fellowship  with  the 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


159 


Divine.  The  Penitential  Days,  extending  from  the 
first  to  the  tenth  of  the  month  of  Tishri,  with  the 
opportunity  they  afford  for  reconciliation  with  God, 
are  the  subject  of  his  special  solicitude.  A well- 
known  saint  expressed  himself,  that  all  the  year  he 
does  nothing  but  listen  impatiently  to  catch  the  sound 
of  the  hammer,  knocking  at  the  doors  in  the  early 
hours  of  the  morning,  calling  the  faithful  to  the  syna- 
gogue, when  the  Penitential  Days  are  about  to  arrive.27 

The  saint  is  further  described  as  a regent,28  having 
absolute  control  over  all  his  organs.  Of  these  the 
mouth  is  one  of  the  most  important.  The  maxim  of 
Judaism,  as  conceived  by  the  great  moralists,  is  that 
the  things  which  enter  the  mouth  as  well  as  those 
which  proceed  from  the  mouth  may  be  unclean.  Ac- 
cordingly the  Jewish  saint  would  constantly  watch 
both  the  imports  and  the  exports  of  his  mouth.  With 
regard  to  the  former  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that 
the  saint  would  refrain  from  all  those  various  forbid- 
den foods  which  the  Bible  describes  as  “ unclean,  an 
abomination,”  and  fetid.  These  have,  according  to 
the  general  Jewish  opinion,  the  effect  of  polluting  the 
soul,  and  there  is  no  difference  upon  this  point  between 
the  teachings  of  the  Pentateuch  and  those  of  the 
Prophets,  unless  we  choose  to  interpret  these  latter  in 
the  spirit  of  Paul  and  Marcion,  and  their  modern  suc- 
cessors. The  saint,  with  his  abhorrence  of  anything 
impure,  would  avoid  the  least  contact  with  them. 
True,  the  saint  is  an  individualist,  but  an  extensive 
menu  and  the  indulgence  of  other  appetites  forbidden 


1 60 


STUDIES  IX  JUDAISM 


by  the  Scriptures,  are  no  mark  of  a strong  person- 
ality. We  Occidentals  are  greatly  proud  and  jealous 
of  our  right  of  private  judgment.  But  the  first  con- 
dition for  private  judgment  is  that  the  judge  should 
not  be  bribed  by  considerations  of  comfort  and  con- 
venience. The  great  majority  of  Jewish  saints  had 
no  difficulty  in  reconciling  themselves  to  any  ob- 
servance or  ceremony.  Speech  about  the  Divine 
has  to  be  in  metaphors,  and  action  corresponding 
to  such  speech  can  be  only  in  signs  and  symbols. 
Those  mystically  inclined  perceived  in  them  the 
reflex  of  things  unseen,  assuming  proportions  in 
the  regions  above  never  dreamt  of  by  the  vulgar. 
Certainly,  there  were  a few,  especially  among  the 
mystics,  who  had  antinominian  tendencies,  but  they 
never  stopped  at  the  ritual  part.  They  equally 
resented  the  moral  restraint  imposed  upon  them  by 
the  Torah.  They  all  became  notorious  profligates, 
and  terminated  in  apostasy. 

The  individualism  of  the  saint  found  expres- 
sion in  the  following  principle : “ Sanctify  thyself 
even  in  that  which  is  permitted  to  thee.” 29  As 
Nachmanides  points  out,  the  Torah  has  forbidden 
us  certain  kinds  of  food,  but  allowed  the  eating 
of  meat  and  the  drinking  of  wine,  but  even  within 
these  limits  can  the  man  of  impure  appetite  be- 
come a drunkard  and  a glutton.  From  doing  this, 
man  is  warded  off  by  the  general  commandment  of 
holiness,  which  keeps  him  aloof  from  all  animal  de- 
sires.30 R.  Joseph  Caro  had  his  menu  regulated  by 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


161 


his  angel,  or  the  spirit  of  the  Mishnah,  created  by  his 
devotion  to  that  part  of  the  oral  law,  who,  again  and 
again,  impresses  upon  him  the  fact  that  every  morsel 
of  food  and  drop  of  drink  not  absolutely  necessary  to 
support  life  is  a sacrifice  to  the  strange  god.  Even 
the  luxury  of  drinking  too  much  water  is  considered 
by  him  a concession  to  the  Evil  One.31 

On  the  whole,  the  saint  would  be  rather  inclined 
to  asceticism.  His  inference  from  such  command- 
ments as,  for  instance,  that  regarding  the  Nazarite 
who  had  to  abstain  from  wine,  or  that  concerning  the 
refraining  from  food  altogether  on  the  Day  of  Atone- 
ment, would  be,  that  restraint  and  discipline  in  every 
respect  are  pleasing  to  his  Father  in  Heaven.  The 
statement  is  often  made  that  Judaism  is  not  an  ascetic 
religion,  and,  indeed,  there  are  passages  in  Jewish 
literature  which  might  be  cited  in  corroboration  of 
this  view.  But  the  saint,  by  reason  of  his  aspirations 
to  superior  holiness,  will  never  insist  on  privileges  and 
concessions.  His  models  will  be  the  heroic  Elijah, 
with  his  rough  mantle  of  camel’s  hair,  his  dwelling  in 
the  cherit,  and  sleeping  under  a desert-broom,  and 
preparing  himself  for  a revelation  on  Mount  Horeb 
by  a fast  of  forty  days;  or  the  Psalmist,  who  says, 
“ My  knees  are  weak  from  fasting,  and  my  flesh  faileth 
of  fatness”;  or  the  laymen  of  the  Second  Temple, 
called  “ Men  of  the  Station,”  representing  the  Third 
Estate  in  the  Holy  Temple,  where  they  fasted  four 
days  a week,  and  spent  their  time  in  meditation  and 
prayer.32  And  thus  we  find  any  number  of  saints  in 


162 


STUDIES  IN.  JUDAISM 


Jewish  history,  as  notorious  for  their  asceticism  with 
all  its  extravagances  as  those  of  any  other  religion. 
Long  lists  might  be  drawn  up  of  Jewish  saints  who 
fasted,  as  the  phrase  is,  from  the  beginning  of  the 
week  to  the  end,  except  the  Sabbath  ; or,  at  least, 
Monday  and  Thursday  of  every  week.  Others  again, 
confined  themselves  to  vegetable  food  and  plain  water ; 
whilst  others  inflicted  upon  themselves  all  sorts  of 
torture,  taking  snow  baths  in  winter  and  exposing 
themselves  to  the  heat  in  summer.33  The  remarkable 
thing  about  these  saints  is,  that  many  among  them 
warned  their  disciples  against  asceticism.  Of  the 
Gaon  of  Wilna,  the  story  is,  that  when  he  remon- 
strated with  his  disciple  R.  Zalman  against  wasting 
himself  by  frequent  fasts  and  keeping  vigils  through 
the  night,  he  answered  him,  “But  I understand  the 
master  himself  lived  such  an  ascetic  life  in  his  younger 
days.”  “Yes,”  answered  the  Rabbi,  “I  did;  but  I 
regret  it  deeply  now.”  The  rejoinder  of  Rabbi  Zal- 
man was,  “ I also  wish  to  have  something  to  regret.”  34 
The  reader  will  probably  have  noticed  that  even 
the  modern  man,  notwithstanding  all  his  ad- 
miration for  flesh  and  muscle,  speaks  of  a fine 
ascetic  face,  which  he  usually  identifies  with  spir- 
ituality and  inner  worth.  Even  the  community 
at  large,  which  could  not  afford  to  spend  itself 
in  fasts  and  vigils,  never  doubted  that  self-denial  is 
better  than  self-indulgence.  They  were  all  strongly 
impressed  with  the  truth  that  the  man  insisting  upon 
his  three  square  meals  a day,  and  everything  else  in 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


163 


correspondence,  is  less  accessible  to  discipline  and 
self-sacrifice  than  the  man  who  follows  the  rule  of  the 
sages:  “A  morsel  of  bread  with  salt  thou  must  eat, 
and  water  by  measure  thou  must  drink,  thou  must 
sleep  upon  the  ground,  and  live  a life  of  trouble  the 
while  thou  toilest  in  the  Torah.”  35  The  toiler  in 
the  Torah  is  hardly  conscious  of  the  trouble.  The 
story  is  of  a famous  Jewish  saint  who  indulged  in 
the  luxury  of  fasting  the  first  six  days  in  the  week  ; 
when  asked  how  he  accomplished  this  feat,  he  an- 
swered that  he  never  meant  to  fast : he  simply  forgot 
to  eat. 

Even  more  stringent  was  the  watch  which  the 
saint  would  keep  over  the  things  which  proceed  from 
the  mouth.  “Be  careful  not  to  utter  an  untruth,” 
says  an  old  Jewish  saint,  even  in  the  way  of  a joke,  or 
in  the  way  of  over-emphasis,  “for,”  an  old  Jewish 
moralist  tells  us,  “against  the  most  weighty  sins  we  are 
warned  in  the  Bible  with  only  one  prohibitive  command, 
whilst  the  law  forbidding  the  speaking  of  untruth  is 
ever  so  many  times  repeated  in  the  Scriptures.”36  In- 
deed, truth  is  one  of  the  specialties  of  the  Jewish  saint. 
“The  soul,”  the  moralist  remarks,  “is  extracted  from 
the  place  of  the  holy  spirit,  hewn  out  from  a place  all 
purity.  She  is  created  of  the  superior  splendour,  the 
throne  of  glory.  In  the  Holy  of  Holies,  there  is 
no  falsehood  ; all  is  truth  ; as  it  is  said  : ‘ God — 

truth.’.  . . Hewhowill  meditate  over  these  things, that 
his  soul  is  extracted  from  the  very  source  of  truth, 
will  do  truth ; never  allow  a lie  an  inlet  into  the  place 


164 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


of  the  holiness  of  truth.” 37  “Truth,”  again  the  ancient 
Rabbis  said,  “ is  the  seal  of  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be 
he,”  and  everything  proceeding  from  the  saint,  either 
in  thought,  or  in  word,  or  in  deed,  would  bear  this 
impress.  He  speaks  the  truth  in  his  very  heart. 
Untruth  has  no  existence  for  him,  and  he  would, 
under  no  consideration,  agree  to  any  concession  or 
compromise  in  this  direction.  Thus,  one  of  the  saints 
prescribes,  “Guard  thyself  against  anger,  flattery,  and 
falsehood.  If  untruth  has  become  a matter  of  habit 
with  thee,  make  it  a rule  to  tell  people,  ‘ I lied,’  and 
thus  thou  wilt  accustom  thyself  that  no  falsehood 
escape  thy  mouth.”  38  “The  Messiah  will  come,” 
a Jewish  saint  said,  “only  when  the  world  will  have 
realised  that  to  speak  an  untruth  is  as  heinous  a 
crime  as  adultery.” 39  The  same  saint  was  wont  to  say 
to  his  disciples,  “Rather  allow  your  soul  to  expire 
than  that  an  untruth  should  proceed  from  your 
mouth,”  and  considered  this  prohibitive  commandment 
among  the  precepts  of  the  Torah  for  which  man  is 
bound  to  undergo  martyrdom.40  It  is  of  this  saint,  or 
a pupil  of  his,  that  the  story  is  recorded  that  the 
Russian  Government,  suspecting  the  Jews  of  his  town 
of  smuggling,  consented  to  withdraw  the  charge  if  he 
declared  his  brethren  innocent.  Having  no  alternative 
but  either  to  bring  misfortune  on  his  brethren  or  to  tell 
an  untruth,  he  prayed  to  God  to  save  him  from  this 
dilemma  by  sending  death  upon  him.  And,  lo,  a 
miracle  happened!  When  the  officials  came  to  fetch 
him  before  the  law  court,  they  found  him  dead. 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


165 


The  last  paragraph  brings  us  to  that  part  in  the 
programme  of  the  saint  which  the  Talmud  calls  “laws 
regulating  the  relations  between  man  and  man,”  and 
which  we  would  classify  under  the  general  heading  of 
conduct.  “He  who  is  desirous  of  being  a saint,”  one 
Rabbi  remarked,  “let  him  fulfil  the  precepts  of  that 
part  of  the  law  which  deals  with  ‘damages.’”41  In 
observing  these,  he  avoids  everything  that  might  result 
in  an  injury  to  his  fellow-man.  We  need  not  enlarge 
here  upon  matters  of  commonplace  integrity,  “which 
it  is  no  honour  to  have,  but  simply  a disgrace  to  want.” 
Lying,  backbiting,  slandering,  and  the  acquisition  of 
wealth  by  dishonest  means  come  under  the  prohibitive 
laws,  the  transgression  of  which  has,  according  to  the 
Rabbis,  a defiling  effect,  and  they  are  put  into  the  same 
category  as  murder  and  idolatry.42  It  is  thus  no 
special  mark  of  saintliness  to  avoid  these  deadly  sins. 
But  the  saint  would  go  further:  he  would  speak  the 
truth  in  his  very  heart.  He  would,  for  instance,  con- 
sider himself  bound  to  a money  transaction  even  when 
the  promise  made  never  assumed  the  shape  of  a com- 
mittal by  word  of  mouth,  having  been  only  a deter- 
mination of  the  heart.43  As  to  avoiding  injury,  he 
would  do  this  at  the  very  risk  of  his  life,  though  not 
bound  to  do  so  by  the  letter  of  the  law.  Thus,  when 
the  Roman  Government  once  besieged  the  town  of 
Lydda,  and  insisted  upon  the  extradition  of  a certain 
Ula  bar  Koseheb,  threatening  the  defenders  with  the 
destruction  of  the  place  and  the  massacre  of  its  in- 
habitants in  the  case  of  further  resistance,  R.  Joshua 


1 66 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


ben  Levi  exerted  his  influence  with  Ula,  that  he  would 
voluntarily  deliver  himself  to  the  Romans,  so  that  the 
place  might  be  saved.  Thereupon,  the  Prophet  Elijah, 
who  often  had  communion  with  R.  Joshua  ben  Levi, 
stopped  his  visits.  After  a great  deal  of  penance, 
which  the  Rabbi  imposed  upon  himself,  Elijah  came 
back  and  said,  “Am  I expected  to  reveal  myself 
to  informers?”  Whereupon  the  Rabbi  asked,  “ Have 
I not  acted  in  accordance  with  the  strict  letter  of  the 
law?”  “But,”  retorted  Elijah,  “this  is  not  the 
law  of  the  saints.”  44 

By  injury  is  also  understood  anything  which 
might  cause  one’s  fellow-man  the  feeling  of  nausea  or 
disgust.  As  it  would  seem,  these  were  cases  which 
the  court  could  not  well  reach.  They  fell  under  the 
class  of  secret  things,  but  the  rabbis  applied  to  them 
the  verse  in  Ecclesiastes  (12  : 14),  “God  shall  bring 
every  work  into  judgment  with  every  secret  thing.” 
But  we  have  on  record  that  there  were  saints  who 
made  it  a specialty  to  go  about  cleaning  such  public 
places  as  by  the  carelessness  of  passers-by  might 
have  proved  offensive  to  the  public.45 

Altogether,  there  is  no  room  in  the  soul  of  the 
saint  for  those  ugly  qualities  which,  in  one  way  or 
another,  are  bound  to  impair  the  proper  relations 
between  man  and  his  fellow-man.  These  are,  accord- 
ing to  one  authority,  “pride,  anger,  petulance,  des- 
pair, hatred,  jealousy,  dissipation,  covetousness,  desire 
for  power,  and  self-assertion.”  They  all  belong  to  the 
ugly  qualities  of  man,  making  man’s  communion  with 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


167 


God  impossible,  and  hence  are  incompatible  with  saintli- 
ness.”46 “Pride,”  or  vanity,  it  is  pointed  out,  “is  at 
the  root  of  all  evils,”  man  setting  up  himself  as  an 
idol,  worshipping  his  own  self,  and  thus  bound  to 
come  into  collision  with  both  God  and  fellow-man.47 
Hence,  the  prayer  at  the  conclusion  of  the  Eighteen 
Benedictions  .-  “O  my  God  ! Guard  my  tongue  from 
evil  and  my  lips  from  speaking  guile ; and  to  such  as 
curse  me  let  my  soul  be  dumb,  yea,  let  my  soul  be 
unto  all  as  the  dust.”  48  Man’s  love  of  self  is,  how- 
ever, too  deeply  rooted  to  be  overcome  by  these 
reminders,  few  and  too  far  between.  We  therefore 
read  of  a saint  who  was  overheard  constantly  whis- 
pering the  prayer:  “May  the  Merciful  save  me  from 
pride.”  “The  man  who  has  a taint  of  pride  or  inso- 
lence, though  he  be  righteous  and  upright  in  all  other 
respects,  is  worth  nothing.  Indeed,  a man  may  fulfil 
ever  so  many  laws  and  fast  six  days  in  the  week,  and 
be  nevertheless  a disciple  of  the  wicked  Balaam,”  who 
though  a prophet  was  of  a haughty  spirit  and  a 
swelled  soul,  and  thus  destined  to  perdition.49 
The  same  saint  was  in  the  habit  of  saying,  “ The 
devil  will  make  man  all  possible  concessions,  if  he 
can  only  succeed  in  impressing  upon  him  the  fact  of 
his  prominence  and  his  greatness.  He  will  show  him 
what  a great  scholar  he  is,  what  a pious  man  he  is, 
what  a great  orator  he  is,  what  a clear  fine  hand  he 
writes,  what  a fine  figure  he  makes  when  dancing, 
and  so  on.”  50  Should  a man  happen  to  be  devoid  of 
all  accomplishments,  and  a fool  in  the  bargain,  he 


168 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


will  compliment  him  on  his  sagacity  and  wisdom. 
Should  he  be  lacking  in  all  sympathy  with  religion, 
especially  of  the  practical  and  living  kind,  he  will  con- 
gratulate him  on  his  deep  spirituality.  Infatuated 
with  his  own  importance,  man  before  long  will  be  in 
opposition  to  man  and  God,  who  keep  his  due  from 
him.  The  best  remedy  against  this  ugly  quality  is 
love.  Hence  the  warning  of  the  saint : ‘ He  who 

hates  an  Israelite,  hates  Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob, 
the  grandsires  of  Israel.’  ” Again,  he  who  hates  man, 
hates  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  who  created  man. 
We  are  all  children  unto  the  Lord  our  God,  all  souls 
rooting  in  him.51  The  injunction  of  the  saint  is,  there- 
fore, “ Let  man  love  all  creatures,  including  Gentiles, 
and  let  him  envy  none.”  52  This,  by  the  way,  is  the 
distinct  precept  of  the  Jewish  saint  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  It  is  not  known  to  me  that  any  Christian 
saint  of  the  same  period  made  the  love  of  the  Jew  a 
condition  of  saintliness.  This  is  a love  which  leaves 
no  room  for  self.  Man  will  not  succeed  in  attaining 
to  this  love  until  he  has  acquired  the  virtues  of  humil- 
ity and  meekness.  There  is  hardly  any  Jewish  moral- 
ist who  does  not  enlarge  upon  the  significance  of 
humility,  and  the  references  to  it  would  easily  fill  a 
volume.  One  of  the  most  emphatic  is,  “Be  exceed- 
ingly lowly  of  spirit,  since  the  hope  of  man  is  but  the 
worm.”  53 

Man  must  be  so  thoroughly  convinced  of  his  own 
unworthiness,  that  he  is  even  bidden  to  love  those 
who  rebuke  him  and  hate  those  who  praise  him.54 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


169 


Nay,  he  should  feel  under  torture  when  he  hears  his 
own  praise,  as  it  is  sure  to  be  undeserved.55  In  addi- 
tion to  this,  there  is  with  the  saint  the  conception 
of  the  superiority  of  his  fellow-man,  which  proves 
another  stimulus  toward  the  cultivation  of  meekness 
and  humbleness.  When  man  quits  the  world,  he 
is  asked,  according  to  an  ancient  Midrash,  “ Hast 
thou  been  busy  in  the  study  of  the  Torah,  and  in 
works  of  lovingkindness?  Hast  thou  declared  thy 
Maker  as  King  morning  and  evening?  Hast  thou 
acknowledged  thy  fellow-man  as  king  over  thee 
in  meekness  of  spirit?”  56  Man  should  accordingly 
perceive  in  his  fellow-man  not  only  an  equal  whose 
rights  he  is  bound  to  respect,  but  a superior  whom  he 
is  obliged  to  revere  and  love.  In  every  person,  it  is 
pointed  out  by  these  saints,  precious  and  noble  ele- 
ments are  latent,  not  to  be  found  with  anybody  else. 
In  fact,  every  human  being  is  a servant  of  God  in 
posse.  One  of  these  saints  declined  to  be  considered 
as  one  of  the  righteous  of  his  generation,  saying  he 
had  no  right  to  this  distinction  so  long  as  he  felt 
that  he  loved  his  children  better  than  the  rest  of  man- 
kind.57 Whenever  the  saint  heard  of  a birth  in  the 
community,  he  used  to  break  out  in  wild  joy,  wel- 
coming the  new-born  child  as  a future  volunteer  in 
the  service  of  God,  taking  his  or  her  place  in  the  rank 
and  file  of  militant  Judaism.  Hence,  the  prayer  of 
certain  of  these  saints  : “ May  it  be  thy  will  that  we 
shall  not  sin  either  against  thee  or  against  thy  crea- 
tures;”58 whilst  another  saint  used  to  add  to  his  morn- 


170 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


ing  prayer,  the  short  prayer,  “O  God,  establish  in  my 
heart  faith,  humility,  and  meekness,”  and  his  favourite 
saying  was,  “As  a man  is  anxious  for  his  very  life,  so 
should  he  be  anxious  to  be  permeated  by  the  thought 
that  he  is  less  important  than  anybody  else.”  59  He 
used  especially  to  be  very  severe  with  his  family  when 
they  dared  be  unkind  to  his  domestics.  Another  of 
the  saints  expresses  it,  “Let  each  man  be  considered 
in  thy  eyes  as  better  than  thou,  even  the  servant  in 
thy  house.”60  Of  one  of  these  godly  men  legend  re- 
ports that  he  was  in  the  habit  of  addressing  all  the 
people  with  whom  he  came  in  contact  as  “saints,”  or 
“righteous  ones,”  and,  indeed,  believing  them  to  be 
so.  One  day,  the  story  is,  when  walking  in  the  street, 
he  saw  two  cabmen  fighting  over  the  right  of  way, 
giving  force  to  their  arguments  with  the  whips  which 
they  applied  to  each  other.  The  godly  man  was 
embarrassed,  and  he  prayed,  “Lord  of  the  universe,  it 
is  my  duty  to  separate  them,  but  who  dares  interfere 
between  two  saints?” 

Another  consequence  of  this  love  is  that  men 
should  never  break  out  in  anger  against  any  one. 
This  is  a precept  to  be  found  in  all  the  moralist  litera- 
ture of  the  different  ages,  but  R.  Joseph  Caro,  even 
the  author  of  the  Shulchan  Aruch , in  the  special  manual 
for  his  own  guidance  adds,  that  anger  should  be 
avoided  even  in  the  cause  of  religion,  where  zeal 
for  the  glory  of  God  might  give  some  justification  for 
it.61  Indeed,  we  should  love  all,  including  those  who 
have  gone  astray,  this  being  the  only  means  of  bring- 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


171 


ing  them  back  into  the  fold.  When  a certain  pious 
man  came  to  the  saint,  asking  his  advice  as  to  what 
he  should  do  with  his  son  who  had  left  the  faith  of 
his  ancestors,  the  answer  was,  “ Love  him.  The  in- 
fluence of  thy  love  will  be  his  salvation.”  And  so  it 
came  to  pass.  Of  another  saint,  the  story  is  that  he 
used  to  make  special  journeys  to  places  settled  by 
converts  to  the  dominant  religion.  To  these  converts 
he  made  a gift  of  his  share  of  the  bliss  awaiting  the 
pious  in  the  world  to  come,  at  the  same  time  eliciting 
the  promise  that  they  would  read  every  day  the  verse, 
rot?,  “Hear,  O Israel,  the  Lord  our  God,  the 
Lord  is  One.”  This  proved  a link  between  them  and 
the  faith  they  had  left,  to  which,  in  time,  many  of 
them  returned.62  Indeed,  prayer  must  be  universal. 
He  who  prays  shall  not  direct  his  attention  to  him- 
self. Any  prayer  in  which  the  whole  of  Israel  is 
not  included,  is  no  prayer.  Nay,  one  must  pray 
even  for  the  wicked  among  the  Gentiles.63  Of 
course,  there  were  other  saints  who  were  distin- 
guished more  by  their  zeal  than  by  their  powers 
of  persuasion.  They  were  good  haters,  and  Elijah 
was  their  model,  but  it  may  be  said  in  their 
favour,  that  so  far  as  Judaism  is  concerned  their 
motives  were  pure;  their  zeal  was  never  dictated  by 
consideration  of  self  or  by  ambition.  Sometimes  I 
am  inclined  to  think  that  the  haters  and  the  lovers 
were  both  right. 

In  matters  of  philanthropy,  the  saint  would  be 
inclined  to  extravagance.  “It  is  a strange  though 


/ 


172  STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


true  thing,”  some  philosopher  has  remarked,  “that 
virtue  itself  has  need  of  limits.”  At  a certain  epoch 
in  history,  when  mendicancy  was  made  a special  sign 
of  holiness,  the  Rabbis  drew  the  limit  when  they  said, 
“ He  who  wishes  to  be  lavish  in  his  philanthropic 
work,  let  him  not  spend  more  than  twenty  per  cent  of 
his  income.” 64  The  saint  transgresses  this  limit, 
taking  as  his  norm,  “What  is  mine  is  thine,  and  what 
is  thine  is  thine.”  65  He  would  also  remove  any  barrier 
or  obstacle  preventing  the  poor  from  reaching  him 
personally,  whilst  he  would,  at  the  same  time,  save 
no  effort  to  make  others  do  their  duty  to  the  poor.66 
And  this  duty  practically  means  to  make  the  poor 
equal  partners  in  one’s  property.  Thus,  in  the  sacred 
letter  of  R.  Shneor  (Senior)  Zalman,  a well-known 
saint  of  Russia,  he  writes  to  his  adherents  to  the 
following  effect : 

“ My  beloved  ones,  my  brethren  and  my  friends  : — I have  no 
doubt  about  the  distress  of  the  time.  The  means  of  getting  a 
livelihood  have  become  very  small,  and  certain  acquaintances 
of  mine,  whom  I knew  to  have  been  in  prosperous  circum- 
stances, are  now  compelled  to  borrow  in  order  to  maintain  their 
families.  May  the  Lord  have  mercy  upon  them.  Nevertheless, 
they  do  not  act  properly  when  they  shut  their  hands  and  refuse 
to  supply  the  poor  with  their  needs.  If  we  have  no  mercy  with 
them,  who  will  ? It  is  true  that  the  law  teaches  that  man’s  own 
life  comes  first,  but  this  is  to  be  applied  only  to  things  on  which 
life  depends,  as,  for  instance,  when  men  are  in  a desert,  and  there 
is  sufficient  water  to  quench  the  thirst  of  only  one  person,  and 
save  him  from  death.  In  this  case  we  say  that  the  owner  has 
first  right  upon  it.  But  if  it  is  a question  of  bread  and  clothes 
and  wood  on  one  side,  and  dinners  with  fish  and  meat  and  fruit 
on  the  other  side,  the  latter  have  to  be  given  up  as  things  super- 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


*73 


fluous.  First  the  poor  must  be  provided  with  the  necessaries 
of  life.  This  is  the  real  meaning  of  the  law,  but  it  is  indeed 
not  worthy  of  a man  to  insist  upon  the  law  in  such  cases.  He 
ought  not  to  think  of  his  life.  We  are  all  in  need  of  the  mercy 
of  heaven,  and  those  who  have  no  mercy  on  earth,  be  their 
reason  what  it  may,  can  never  hope  for  God’s  mercy.”  67 

He  then  proceeds,  in  a long,  mystical  discourse,  to 
show  how  this  grace  of  heaven  can  be  encouraged  to 
flow  into  the  proper  channels,  as  the  term  is,  only  by 
manifestations  of  grace  on  earth,  heaven  and  earth 
acting  in  harmony  to  reveal  the  great  attribute  of  love. 

The  literature  and  stories  bearing  on  charity  and 
the  saint’s  share  in  it  are  too  extensive  to  be  entered 
upon  here,  even  in  a casual  way.  The  greatest  sacri- 
fice is  told  of  a certain  Rabbi  who  used  to  save  the 
whole  of  the  year  enough  money  to  enable  him  to 
buy  an  Ethrog  for  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles  (Lev.  23: 
40).  When  he  was  in  possession  of  six  rubles 
he  made  a special  journey  from  his  village  to  Brody, 
to  buy  the  Ethrog.  But  on  the  way  he  met  a poor 
man  who  made  a livelihood  by  means  of  his  horse-cart, 
on  which  he  carried  water  for  the  neighbourhood.  Un- 
fortunately, the  horse  died  on  the  way.  Thereupon 
the  Rabbi  gave  him  his  six  rubles  to  buy  another 
beast,  saying,  “What  is  the  difference?  To  buy  an 
Ethrog  is  a command  of  God,  and  to  help  this  poor 
man  is  also  a command  of  God.”  Naturally,  a mir- 
acle happened  afterwards.  The  Rabbi  was  presented 
by  some  rich  man  with  a fine  Ethrog  for  the  feast.68 
I will  only  remark  that  charity  belongs,  according  to 
the  mystics,  to  the  commandments  that  work  a certain 


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STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


re-birth  in  man,  or  rather  give  a new  soul  to  those 
who  make  strenuous  efforts  to  fulfil  them.6? 

It  will,  perhaps,  be  interesting  to  hear,  that  these 
saints  were  by  no  means  so  unpractical  as  their  mys- 
tical discourses  would  lead  us  to  imagine.  The  suc- 
cessor of  this  R.  Shneor  Zalman,  Rabbi  Beer,  in  an 
epistle  written  in  a time  of  great  distress  and  perse- 
cution, writes  to  his  followers  not  to  engage  so  much 
in  commerce. 

“ The  best  for  you,”  he  says,  “ is  to  learn  proper 
trades,  in  factories,  under  the  superintendence  of  prac- 
tical men.”  He  also  gives  them  counsel  to  take  up 
agricultural  pursuits,  buy  land  either  from  the  great 
landlords,  or  from  the  Government,  and  employ  for 
the  first  two  or  three  years  non-Jews  who  will  teach 
them  this  new  vocation.  “ Did  we  not,”  he  says,  “in 
Palestine  derive  all  our  livelihood  from  our  labour  in 
field  and  in  vineyard  ? It  is  only  in  this  way,”  he 
says,  “ that  we  can  hope  to  find  favour  with  the  Gov- 
ernment. Who  knows  what  will  be  our  end  ? They 
may,  God  forbid,  expel  us  to  some  far-away  coun- 
try.” 70 

Sympathy  and  tenderness  are  by  the  saint  not  con- 
fined to  the  human  species.  They  extend  also  to 
dumb  creation.  Thus  we  read  in  the  “ Little  Book  of 
Saints,”  “Refrain  thy  kindness  and  thy  mercy  from 
nothing  which  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  created 
in  this  world.  Never  beat  nor  inflict  pain  on  any  ani- 
mal, beast,  bird,  or  insect;  nor  throw  stones  at  a dog 
or  a cat;  nor  kill  flies  or  wasps.”  71  Indeed,  man  will 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


175 


be  punished  who  will  make  his  animal  carry  larger 
burdens  than  it  is  able  to  bear.  In  connexion  with 
this,  we  read  the  story  of  a man  who  was  cruel  to  his 
dog.  The  dog,  however,  sought  refuge  under  the 
robes  of  a sage.  When  the  man  approached  the 
dog  with  the  purpose  of  beating  him,  the  sage  pro- 
tested with  the  words,  “Since  this  dog  sought  my 
protection,  you  shall  not  touch  it,”  and  applied  to  him 
the  verse  in  Genesis  (19:  8),  “Only  unto  these  do 
nothing,  for  they  came  under  the  shadow  of  my  roof.”  72 
Another  story  illustrating  the  same  trait  in  the  saint  is 
the  following : R.  Isaac  Loria  was  once  the  guest  of 
a good  and  upright  man.  Before  he  left,  the  saint 
said  to  his  host,  “How  can  I compensate  you  for 
your  kind  hospitality?”  The  master  of  the  house 
then  answered  that  his  only  grief  was  that  God  had 
not  given  him  the  blessing  of  children.  Whereupon 
Loria,  who  knew  everything  going  on  in  heaven  and 
earth,  said  to  him,  “ The  cause  of  your  misfortune  is, 
that  you  were  not  kind  to  animals.”  After  making 
inquiries  it  turned  out  that  the  man  had  poultry  in  his 
yard,  with  a cistern  in  it.  In  this  cistern  there  was  a 
ladder  by  means  of  which  the  water  at  the  bottom 
could  be  reached  by  the  young  chickens  as  yet  unable 
to  use  their  wings.  Once  his  wife  inadvertently 
had  the  ladder  removed,  which  fact  was  the  cause  of 
great  suffering  to  the  animals.  The  man  replaced  the 
ladder,  and  the  children  came  in  due  time.73 

The  relations  between  the  sexes  are  regulated  by 
the  law.  Judaism,  as  we  know,  not  only  did  not 


176 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


encourage,  but  distinctly  objected  to  celibacy.  Only 
one  or  two  instances  are  recorded  of  Jewish  saints 
who  remained  single  all  their  lives.  But,  on  the 
other  hand,  if  marriage  was  not  made  a sacrament 
in  the  Roman  Catholic  sense,  it  was  a thing  holy. 
Maimonides,  with  that  fine  tact  so  characteristic  of 
him,  grouped  the  marriage  laws  under  the  general 
heading  of  “ Kedushah”  (Holiness);  whilst  Nachman- 
ides  wrote  a whole  treatise  called  the  “ Sacred  Letter,” 
dealing  exclusively  with  the  most  intimate  moments 
in  the  lives  of  the  sexes,  and  showing  how  even  such 
functions  as  were  declared  by  other  religions  as  dis- 
tinctly animalic,  can  with  the  saint  be  elevated  into 
moments  of  worship  and  religious  exaltation.  It  is, 
in  fact,  a vindication  of  the  flesh  from  a religious  point 
of  view.  All  the  more  strongly  did  the  Jewish  saint 
insist  upon  making  these  relations  pure  and  chaste, 
stigmatising  even  an  impure  thought  as  being  as  bad 
as  an  impure  action,  if  not  worse.  It  was  only  by 
reason  of  the  purification  of  these  relations  and  their 
thorough  sanctification,  that  the  whole  vocabulary  of 
love  could  afterwards,  in  moments  of  rapture  and 
ecstasy,  be  used  by  the  saints  in  their  prayers  and 
hymns,  to  symbolise  the  relation  between  the  human 
and  the  Divine,  and  the  longing  of  man  for  the 
moment  of  total  absorption  in  the  Deity.  The  Song 
of  Songs  became  the  great  allegory,  picturing  the 
connexion  between  God  and  Israel.  The  act  of  rev- 
elation is  described  as  the  wedding  between  heaven 
and  earth.  The  death  of  the  righteous,  when  the 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


177 


soul  returns  unto  God,  is  described  as  a kiss  ; whilst 
each  individual  mystic  considered  his  particular  action 
of  losing  himself  in  the  Divine  as  a new  matrimo- 
nial act. 

I have  referred  once  or  twice  to  saints  who  were 
visited  by  angels,  who  had  peculiar  visions,  and  who 
even  wrought  miracles.  Writing  for  a modern 
public,  I consider  it  due  to  these  true  saints  that  the 
reader  should  not  suspect  them  of  untruth,  because  of 
failure  to  reconcile  these  happenings  with  his  own 
experiences.  Things  absolutely  impossible  to  us 
may  have  been,  and,  indeed,  were,  an  actual  reality 
with  them.  Ruskin,  in  his  lecture,  “Pleasures  of 
Faith,”  given  in  a not  less  sceptical  age  than  ours, 
thus  said  to  his  hearers: 

“You  have  all  been  taught  by  Lord  Macaulay  and  his  school 
that  because  you  have  carpets  instead  of  rushes  for  your  feet ; 
and  feather-beds  instead  of  fern  for  your  backs  ; and  kickshaws 
instead  of  beef  for  your  eating ; and  drains  instead  of  holy 
wells  for  your  drinking  ; — that,  therefore,  you  are  the  cream  of 
creation,  and  every  one  of  you  a seven-headed  Solomon.  Stay 
in  those  pleasant  circumstances  and  convictions,  if  you  please  ; 
but  don’t  accuse  your  roughly-bred  and  fed  fathers  of  telling 
lies  about  the  aspect  the  earth  and  sky  bore  to  them , — till  you 
have  trodden  the  earth  as  they,  barefoot,  and  seen  the  heavens 
as  they,  face  to  face.” 

I grudge  no  one  his  Persian  rugs  or  his  mineral- 
waters.  I have  even  personally  a sneaking  desire 
for  such  things,  and  do  prefer  the  electric  light  to 
the  tallow-candle  with  which  I was  brought  up. 
But  one  has  a right  to  resent  the  superior  smile  which 
one  meets  when  speaking  of  those  times  and  those 


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STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


men.  I find  that  the  terms  saints,  mystics,  and 
Cabbalists,  are  used  as  terms  of  reproach  nowadays. 
This  attitude  is  quite  inconceivable  to  me.  Has  the 
German  nation  ever  disowned  its  Master  Ekkehart, 
or  its  Boehme?  Has  the  French  nation  ever  looked 
with  contempt  on  the  School  of  the  Jansenists,  or  is 
it  not  even  more  proud  of  Pascal’s  Pensees  than  of  his 
scientific  discoveries?  If  one  will  attempt  to  live 
like  these  saints,  he  will  have  the  same  experiences. 
Let  him  try  only  to  spend  nine  hours  a day  in  prayer, 
and  the  rest  in  the  study  of  the  Law,  and  in  the  relief 
of  suffering;  to  fast  six  days  out  of  seven,  and  break 
the  fast  on  bread  and  water;  to  give  to  sleep  three 
hours  out  of  twenty-four,  and  these  on  a stone  instead 
of  a feather-bed.  Let  him  make  martyrdom  the 
dwelling-point  of  his  thoughts  for  a time,  and  the  death 
of  a martyr  the  goal  of  his  ambitions  and  achievements. 
Let  him  make  this  experiment  for  half  a year  only, 
and  see  whether  the  experiences  which  he  will  have 
to  relate  will  not  be  the  same  as  those  of  a Loria,  a 
Caro,  and  other  saints. 

The  saint  must  not  be  judged  by  the  common 
standard  of  humanity.  Consciousness  of  sin  and 
the  assurance  of  grace  are  the  two  great  motive 
powers  in  the  working  of  religion.  Without  them, 
religion  sinks  to  the  level  of  a mere  cult,  or  a 
kind  of  ethico-aesthetico-spiritual  sport  in  which 
there  is  no  room  for  devotion  and  submission ; but 
what  is  with  the  common  religionist  a mere  dogma, 
is  with  the  saint  an  awful  reality,  dominating  all 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


179 


his  actions  and  pervading  all  his  being.  Under  these 
two  realities — the  reality  of  sin  and  the  reality  of 
grace — the  saint  is  constantly  labouring.  “ My  sin  is 
ever  before  me,”  is  the  cry  of  the  Psalmist,  and  it  is 
echoed  by  every  Jewish  saint.  Hence  the  tendency 
toward  self-accusation  so  manifest  in  many  a compo- 
sition by  the  Jewish  saints.  Sometimes  it  is  the  sin 
of  his  fellow-man  for  which  he  holds  himself  fully 
responsible.  We  possess  formulas  of  confessions  writ- 
ten and  read  by  Jewish  saints,  in  which  they  arraign 
themselves  for  the  most  heinous  offences,  and  which 
it  would  take  a dozen  lifetimes  to  commit.  This  is 
rightly  explained  on  the  ground  that  the  sense  of 
solidarity  and  responsibility  was  so  keen  with  the 
Jewish  saint  that  he  saw  nothing  incongruous  in  plead- 
ing guilty  to  the  sum  total  of  iniquities  committed  by  his 
contemporaries.74  But,  with  the  Psalmist,  he  is  equally 
certain  of  the  assurance  expressed  in  the  passage,  “ I 
have  set  God  before  me  continually : for  with  him  at 
my  right  hand  I cannot  be  moved.  Therefore  my 
heart  is  glad  and  my  glory  exults,  my  flesh  also 
dwells  in  safety.”  75  One  of  our  higher  critics  thinks 
that  these  verses  may,  without  effort,  be  called  Chris- 
tian. I am  proud  to  call  them  Jewish.  The  notion 
of  the  permanency  of  the  Divine  Presence  is  the  great 
safeguard  against  sin.  The  exhortation  to  feel  shame 
before  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  who  is  present 
everywhere  and  witnesses  man’s  deeds,  is  a favourite 
appeal  with  all  the  Jewish  moralists.  The  saint,  how- 
ever, is  so  strongly  overawed  by  the  shame  before 


i8o 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


God,  that  he  said  : “A  sinful  thought  should  bring  a 
blush  to  man’s  face,  and  make  him  experience  the 
same  sensation  of  confusion  and  shame,  as  he  would 
at  the  sudden  appearance  of  an  intimate  friend  at  the 
moment  when  he  is  about  to  engage  in  some  dis- 
graceful action.”  Thus  the  saint  “cannot  be  moved,” 
but  when  a slip  happens,  there  is  the  Divine  grace 
surviving  sin,  which  latter  is  only  an  outcome  of 
human  frailty.  The  very  realisation  on  the  part  of 
man  of  his  loss  through  his  departure  from  God  has 
brought  him  back  to  God ; or,  as  a Jewish  liturgical 
poet  expressed  it,  “And  where  shall  I flee,  if  not  from 
thee  to  thee?”  Hence  the  despondency  bordering 
on  despair  which  you  will  find  in  the  composition  of 
many  a saint,  but  which  suddenly  passes  into  exalta- 
tion and  joy.  1 indeed,  for  him  the  world  is  God- 
full,  though  disfigured  by  sin  and  misery;  but,  even 
in  the  depths  of  this  misery  and  sin,  the  saint  divines 
those  “inshinings  of  the  pure  rays  of  holy  celestial 
light,”  which,  in  God’s  own  time,  will  lift  and  purify 
fallen  creation.  The  Devil  himself  is  an  angel  of 
God,  though  a fallen  angel,  and  he  has  to  be  prayed 
for,  whilst  the  hope  is  expressed  that  Hell  itself  will, 
with  the  disappearance  of  sin,  be  converted  into  a 
Paradise.7® 

The  period  of  struggle  in  the  life  of  the  saint,  and 
the  stage  of  serenity  and  peace  following  upon  it,  are 
described  by  one  of  the  saints  in  the  following  words : 

“And  when  the  soul  has  realised  God's  omnipotence  and 
his  greatness,  she  prostrates  herself  in  dread  before  his  great- 


SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 


181 


ness  and  glory,  and  remains  in  this  state  till  she  receives  his 
assurance,  when  her  fear  and  anxiety  cease.  Then  she  drinks  of 
the  cup  of  love  to  God.  She  has  no  other  occupation  than  his 
service,  no  other  thought  than  of  him,  no  other  intent  than  the 
accomplishment  of  his  will,  and  no  other  utterance  than  his 
praise.”  77 

But  even  during  his  struggle  the  fear  of  the  saint  is 
not  of  punishment,  for  suffering  is  looked  upon  by  him 
as  another  token  of  God’s  love,  indeed,  as  a gift  of 
heaven ; nor  is  his  hope  connected  with  reward,  which 
he  would  consider  unworthy  and  mercenary.  Death 
has  no  terrors  for  him.  “When  I am  afar  from 
thee,”  prayed  an  ancient  Jewish  saint,  “my  death  is 
in  my  life;  when  I cleave  to  thee,  my  life  is  in  my 
death.”78  What  he  dreads  is  separation  from  God, 
what  he  longs  for  is  fellowship  with  God. 

Some  mystics  defined  the  sairf  or  the  Chasid,  as 
one  who  acts  Chasid-like  with  his  Maker , v'hich 

■ n 

may  be  interpreted  to  mean  that  not  only  does  he 
not  insist  upon  the  letter  of  the  Law,  but  all  his 
worship  is  an  act  of  grace  without  any  hope  of  reward 
or  fear  of  punishment. 79 

One  of  the  saints  expressed  this  thought  in  the 
following  rather  bold  words  : 

“ I have  no  wish  for  thy  Paradise,  nor  any  desire 
for  the  bliss  in  the  world  to  come.  I want  thee  and 
thee  alone.”80 


FOUR  EPISTLES  TO  THE  JP:WS  OF 
ENGLAND  1 
Jews  and  Anglo-Saxons 

I beg  to  submit  to  your  readers  the  following  pas- 
sage taken  from  “The  Letters  of  Robert  Louis 
Stevenson” : 

What  a strange  idea  to  think  me  a Jew-hater  ! Isaiah  and 
David  and  Heine  are  good  enough  for  me,  and  I leave  more 
unsaid.  . . . The  ascendant  hand  is  what  I feel  most  strongly  ; 
I am  bound  in  and  with  my  forbears  ; were  he  one  of  mine  I 
should  not  be  struck  at  all  by  Mr.  Moss,  of  Bevis  Marks,  I 
should  still  see  behind  him  Moses  of  the  Mount  and  the  Tables, 
and  the  shining  face.  We  are  nobly  bom  ; fortunate  those  who 
know  it ; blessed  those  who  remember. 

I quote  Stevenson  as  an  author  familiar  to  your 
readers.  The  same  sentiment,  however,  is  expressed, 
if  less  forcibly,  by  hundreds  of  Jewish  writers  in  an- 
cient and  modern  times,  all  of  which  goes  to  show  that 
the  now  fashionable  cry  (among  the  Little-Israelites), 
of  our  being  Anglo-Saxons  or  Englishmen  of  the 
Jewish  persuasion,  is  but  a sickly  platitude. 

Those  familiar  with  Judaica  know  that  the  cry  was 
raised  in  Germany  some  generations  ago,  many  Rab- 
bis and  many  more  laymen  shouting  it  with  the  whole 
power  of  their  lungs:  “We  are  Gcrmanen  of  the 
Mosaic  persuasion!”  The  theory  is  now  exploded  in 
Germany,  and  our  repeating  such  platitudes  after  the 
terrible  experience  of  the  last  decades  can  only  be 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


183 


explained  on  the  principle  of  Martincau,  who  remarks 
somewhere  that  in  matters  intellectual  the  English  are 
sometimes  apt  to  act  as  the  younger  brothers  of  the 
Germans,  putting  on  the  trousers  which  their  elder 
brothers  left  off  wearing  years  ago. 

The  doctrine  professed  now  by  those  who  are  not 
carried  away  by  the  new-fangled  “yellow”  theology 
is,  there  is  no  Judaism  without  Jews,  and  there  are  no 
Jews  without  Judaism.  We  can  thus  onlybe  Jews  of  the 
Jewish  persuasion.  “Blessed  those  who  remember!” 

Jews  as  Missionaries 

I offer  for  the  consideration  of  your  readers  another 
quotation.  It  is  taken  from  a correspondence,  still  in 
manuscript,  between  two  scholars  of  my  acquaint- 
ance : “ Can  you  imagine  the  ancient  chosen  people 

of  God  going  about  begging  for  a nationality — clamor- 
ing everywhere,  ‘We  are  you  !’ — -joining  the  Boxers  of 
every  nation  on  earth,  and  using  the  last  crumbs  of 
the  sacred  language  in  which  God-Shalom  addressed 
his  children  to  invoke  his  blessing  upon  the  ‘ Mitrail- 
leuse,’ the  ‘Kruppgun,’  ‘Dum-dum’ and  ‘Long-tom,’ 
and  other  anti-Messianic  contrivances?” 

The  terrible  irony  of  the  situation  becomes  ap- 
parent when  we  remember  that  while  millions  of 
Aryans  lay  eager  claim  to  the  name  and  heritage  of 
Israel,  Israel,  ashamed  of  its  Semitic  origin,  seeks 
to  disavow  itself  and  to  ape  the  Occident  in  all  things 
except  its  admiration  for  Israel.  It  has  become  for  it 
almost  a sacred  duty  to  occidentalise  its  religion.  It 


184 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


forgets  all  the  while  that,  however  richly  endowed  the 
European  genius  may  be,  religion  is  not  one  of  its 
gifts.  Not  a single  European  god  has  survived  the 
awakening  of  mankind  from  savagery  and  barbarism. 
Nor  has  Europe  produced  a single  great  religious 
founder.  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  the  hero  of  modern 
sentimentalism,  remains,  despite  all  decoration  in  the 
latest  French  style,  a crude  imitation  of  the  Semitic 
original. 

But  perhaps  the  saddest  feature  amid  so  much  that 
is  farcical  is  that  we  still  profess  to  have  a mission  to 
the  world.  The  idea  of  this  mission  is  certainly  an 
old  one.  A community  forming  a Kingdom  of  Priests 
must  have  the  whole  world  for  its  parish.  But  is  the 
constant  endeavour  to  level  down  the  intellectual  and 
spiritual  standard  to  that  of  our  surroundings  com- 
patible with  the  missionary  ideal?  Missionaries  are 
only  with  the  people,  but  not  of  the  people.  They 
share  their  griefs,  but  hold  aloof  from  their  orgies. 
They  convert  the  world,  but  do  not  allow  the  world 
to  convert  them.  They  neither  court  popularity  nor 
pander  to  prejudice.  They  must  destroy  the  idol  be- 
fore they  can  proclaim  the  God.  Abraham,  the  first 
missionary,  the  “Friend  of  God,”  had  to  stand  alone 
contra  mundum , and  in  this  his  real  greatness  is  said 
to  have  consisted.  Such  passive  virtues  as  we  may 
possess  are  somewhat  too  common  to  be  very  im- 
posing, while  our  success  in  the  various  callings  of  life 
is  of  too  material  a nature  to  be  used  as  a spiritual 
weapon.  In  the  realms  of  pure  thought  we  remain  in 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


185 


spite  of  all  our  boasting  only  second-rate,  not  posses- 
sing a single  man  who  might  be  called  a leader  of 
thought.  It  is  more  than  passing  strange  that  under 
the  screw  of  the  Inquisition  and  the  Cherern  we  could 
produce  a Spinoza,  while  to-day,  with  all  our  pros- 
perity, we  cannot  show  even  a commentator  on 
Spinoza.  But  the  world  will  never  be  conquered  by 
mediocrities.  If,  then,  our  endless  talk  about  a reli- 
gious mission  is  not  to  degenerate  into  mere  cant,  a 
religious  atmosphere  will  have  to  be  created  quite 
different  to  that  in  which  we  have  lived  hitherto. 
This  atmosphere  will,  in  the  first  place,  have  to  be 
thoroughly  and  intensely  Jewish.  The  centre  of 
gravity  of  all  our  thought  and  sympathies  will  have 
to  be  placed,  irrespective  of  country,  among  Jews. 
Whatever  our  political  destiny  may  be,  our  religious 
destiny  can  never  be  worked  out  by  the  West  in  isola- 
tion. The  religious  energies  of  all  our  brethren  of 
the  West  and  of  the  East,  in  closest  communion,  will 
be  required  for  its  consummation.  We  have  got  the 
men,  we  have  got  the  money,  and  a good  deal  of  sys- 
tem, too,  but  they  have  the  simple  faith,  they  have  the 
knowledge  of  Jewish  lore,  and  they  have  the  will  and 
the  strength,  inured  as  they  are  to  suffering,  to  live 
and  to  die  for  their  conception  of  Judaism.  They 
permit  no  “free  love”  in  religion.  Universality  means 
with  them  what  it  meant  with  the  prophets  and  their 
Jewish  successors — that  the  whole  world  should  be- 
come Jews,  not  that  Judaism  should  fade  out  into  the 
world.  We  have  the  method  and  they  have  the  mad- 


1 86 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


ness ; only  if  we  combine  can  the  victory  be  ours.  A 
closer  communion  of  sympathies  will  probably  be  facil- 
itated by  our  devoting  some  more  time  to  the  Hebrew 
language,  which  is  still  the  depository  of  all  that  is 
sacred  to  the  Eastern  Jew.  From  this  literature  we 
shall  obtain  the  revelation  of  his  standard  of  religious 
fervour  and  real  spirituality,  the  height  of  which  re- 
mains unsuspected  and  undreamt  of  by  the  Occi- 
dentals. 

Above  all,  religious  enthusiasm  and  zeal,  if  they 
are  to  be  effective,  will  have  to  be  brought  to  the  boil- 
ing point.  It  is  only  that  zeal  which  will  consume  all 
worldliness,  which  will  suffer  no  rival,  and  which  will 
not  falter  in  its  devotion  because  of  any  dread  of  one- 
sidedness that  can  be  of  any  use  to  the  missionary. 
Nowt  Judaism  has  often  been  accused  of  being  defi- 
cient in  enthusiasm,  the  great  mysterious  power  of 
spiritual  propagation.  It  was  always  inconceivable  to 
me  how  such  an  accusation  could  be  brought  against 
a people  which  has  produced  the  Psalms,  or,  in  a 
later  period,  the  great  allegorical  commentaries  on  the 
Song  of  Songs.  But  in  view  of  the  constant  boast  of 
our  common  sense,  and  the  pains  we  take  to  avoid 
anything  which  might  be  suspected  of  eccentricity  or 
even  idealism,  our  morbid  craving  for  the  applause  of 
the  majority,  and  our  eager  desire  to  lose  ourselves 
in  the  majority,  our  deification  of  the  balance-sheet 
and  the  cold,  stiff,  business-like  spirit  in  which  our 
institutions  are  conducted,  we  cannot  deny  all  justifi- 
cation for  these  attacks.  I shall  probably  be  told  that 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


187 


we  are  acting  thus  as  practical  Englishmen.  But 
where  are  then  our  John  Wesleys,  our  Newmans,  or 
even  our  Liddons?  Surely,  they,  too,  were  eminently 
English ! 

Spiritual  Religion  versus  Spiritual  Men 

I had  occasion  in  my  last  letter  to  use  the  word 
“spirituality.”  The  term  is  obscure,  and  it  has 
caused  a good  deal  of  confusion.  A few  explanatory 
remarks,  therefore,  may  perhaps  prove  instructive  to 
your  readers. 

Some,  indeed,  identify  the  term  with  “morality.” 
There  is  some  truth  in  this,  inasmuch  as  nothing  im- 
moral can  possibly  be  spiritual.  But,  unfortunately, 
people  are  too  eager  to  be  guided  by  the  principle  of 
Becky  Sharp,  according  to  which  your  chances  of 
heaven  increase  with  the  number  of  the  ciphers  in  your 
banking  account,  and  they  are  thus  inclined  to  think 
spirituality  the  exclusive  privilege  of  wealth.  Some 
witty  Bishop  is  recorded  to  have  said  of  his  worldly 
brethren  of  the  dissenting  camp,  “that  their  second 
horse  stops  at  the  church  door  of  its  own  accord.” 
Our  smart  carriages  do  not  stop  at  the  synagogue  or 
at  any  place  of  worship,  but  they  are  too  often  the 
symptoms  of  a spirituality  betokened  by  a strong 
antipathy  to  the  religion  of  the  humbler  classes,  and 
an  insatiable  appetite  for  new  prayers — -chiefly  written 
for  the  benefit  of  the  poor. 

Others,  again,  believe  spirituality  to  be  opposed  to 
the  Law,  and  especially  the  ceremonial  part  of  it. 


1 88 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


Their  religious  superiority  can,  therefore,  only  be 
shown  by  the  rejection  of  both.  For  instance,  if  you 
refrain  from  food  and  drink  on  the  Kippur,  walk  to 
the  Synagogue,  and  spend  the  day  there  reading  your 
ancient  liturgy,  and  listen  to  an  exposition  by  your 
preacher  of  the  lesson  from  the  Scriptures,  then  you 
are  a worshipper  of  the  common  type,  a slave  labour- 
ing under  the  yoke  of  the  letter.  But  if  you  ride  up 
to  the  Temple  after  an  ordinary  breakfast,  pass  an 
hour  or  two  there  listening  to  an  oratorio  and  in  fol- 
lowing a sermon  on  the  merits  of  the  last  novel  of 
Hall  Caine,  or  on  the  more  subtle  subject  of  the  in- 
tellectual relations  between  Master  David  Grieve  and 
the  Reverend  Robert  Elsmere,  and  employ  the  rest 
of  the  day  in  looking  after  your  affairs  and  taking 
your  other  two  meals,  as  a rational  being  should,  then 
you  have  acted  as  a spiritual  Jew,  and  have  worship- 
ped your  God  in  spirit  and  in  truth.  This  may  seem 
a caricature,  but  signs  are  not  wanting  that  matters 
are  drifting  that  way. 

Now,  I do  not  intend  to  give  a new  definition  of 
“spirituality.”  It  is  as  indefinable  as  the  spirit  itself, 
and  its  meaning  can  be  as  little  conveyed  in  words  as 
a soul  can  be  painted.  But  I may  be  permitted  to 
reproduce  here  the  substance  of  a conversation 
between  a foreign  gentleman  and  myself  bearing  upon 
our  subject,  which  conversation,  though  rambling  in 
part  and  largely  coloured  by  prejudice  and  partiality, 
is  not  without  the  merit  of  freshness.  I must  only 
premise  that  my  benighted  foreigner  hailed  from  a 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


189 


certain  town  in  Russia  where  he  lived  as  a mere  lay- 
man, occupied  with  his  trade;  which  circumstance, 
however,  did  not  prevent  him  from  being  an  excel- 
lent Talmudist  and  well-versed  in  other  branches  of 
Jewish  literature. 

Our  acquaintance  is  of  comparatively  recent  date, 
and  was  made  in  a German  watering  place.  Our  con- 
versations were  long  and  many,  on  all  possible  sub- 
jects, English  Jews  and  English  Judaism  among 
them.  And  then  there  happened  a strange  thing. 
Whilst  he  spoke  with  the  utmost  deference  of  our 
great  philanthropists  and  the  enduring  merit  of  their 
labours  on  behalf  of  Israel,  he  fairly  staggered  at  our 
claims  to  the  religious  leadership  of  Judaism.  On 
my  representing  to  him  that  there  was  probably  no 
Jewish  community  in  the  world  in  which  the  subject 
of  religion  occupies  the  mind  of  the  people  so  much 
as  in  ours,  and  this,  too,  as  I added  with  some  em- 
phasis, spiritual  religion, he  answered,  “That  is  exactly 
where  we  differ.  You  incessantly  prate  about  a 
spiritual  religion , whilst  we  insist  upon  spiritual  men.” 

When  I asked  for  further  explanation,  he  replied 
vehemently:  “It  is  your  Western  arrogance  with  your 
pretensions  to  perfection — your  theologians,  indeed, 
have  never  forgiven  Judaism  for  insisting  upon  man’s 
shortcomings— which  prevents  you  from  tracing  the 
evil  to  its  real  sources.  It  flatters  your  vanity  to  think 
yourselves  demi-gods,  or  even  gods  only  hyphenated 
with  man.  When  you  find  your  idols  wallowing  in 
the  mire  of  their  appetite,  like  any  other  animal,  you 


190 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


proceed  to  blame  religion  for  its  lack  of  spirituality,  as 
not  being  sublime  enough  for  your  darling  gods. 
But  did  the  Psalmist,  whom  even  you  consent  to 
patronise  in  your  moments  of  condescension,  plead 
for  new  commandments,  or  did  he  pray  for  a new 
heart  and  a new  spirit  to  perceive  the  wonders  of  the 
old  ones?  We,  of  the  East,  have  a less  elevated 
opinion  of  ourselves.  You  reproach  us  with  being 
servile  and  cringing,  which  means,  in  fact,  that  we  are 
not  blind  to  our  inferiority.  Instead  of  blaming  reli- 
gion, we  reproach  ourselves.  It  is  not  that  which 
comes  from  the  Torah  which  defiles.  It  is  the  things 
which  proceed  out  of  the  man , his  mental  attitude 
during  the  performance  of  the  Divine  commandment, 
his  purpose  in  fulfilling  it,  which  may  leave  a defiling 
effect  even  on  things  heavenly  and  pure.  ‘ Two  men 
may  be  eating  the  Paschal  lamb,’  say  the  ancient 
Rabbis,  ‘the  one  devours  it  like  a mere  glutton,  with 
the  intention  of  satisfying  his  appetite,  and  is  a 
stumbling  sinner ; the  other  eats  it  with  the  purpose  of 
showing  obedience  to  his  Maker,  and  is  a walker  in 
righteousness.’  Even  more  incisive  are  the  Jewish 
mystics  who  declare  that  ‘Torah  (or  religion)  per- 
formed without  love  and  awe  never  takes  its  flight 
into  the  regions  above.’  Man  has  thus  to  furnish  the 
Law  with  wings  of  love  and  awe  to  make  it  return 
to  God  who  gave  it,  and  it  is  his  fault  if,  instead  of 
this,  he  becomes  a dead  weight  to  the  Law,  dragging 
it  down  to  the  earth  and  to  things  earthly  against  its 
real  nature.  But  your  much-glorified  man  is,  unfortu- 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


t9i 


nately,  an  unreliable  beast.  ‘ Wherever  a man  is, 
there  shall  be  a lie,’  was  a favourite  saying  of  a great 
writer.  This  may  be  an  exaggeration,  but  he  is  cer- 
tainly a creature  of  mixed  motives,  full  of  cross-refer- 
ences, which  mostly  point  to  his  own  dear  self.” 

My  friend  continued:  “Now,  having  recognised 
how  greatly  the  proper  performance  of  a Mitzwah  is 
dependent  on  the  nature  of  the  performer,  and  that  it 
is  man  who  becomes  a burden  to  the  Law,  not  the 
Law  a burden  to  man,  we  left  religion  undisturbed, 
and  set  to  work  upon  man.  Our  remedy  for  all  evil 
is  the  principle,  I'shmah,  or  Fshmo , which  insists  that 
the  commandments  of  the  Torah  should  be  carried 
out  with  the  sole  purpose  of  pleasing  God,  thus  rais- 
ing the  standard  of  the  performer  to  that  of  the  per- 
formance, in  the  same  proportion  as  he  is  able  to 
divest  himself  of  worldly  interests  and  selfish  motives. 
Hence  the  radical  difference  between  your  ideal  of  a 
great  man  and  ours.  When  you  speak  of  your  lead- 
ers, you  praise  them  as  ‘men  of  affairs,’  ‘great  organi- 
sers,’ ‘finished  orators,’  ‘suave  diplomatists,’  ‘states- 
men,’ and  similar  expressions,  all  of  which  have  a cer- 
tain ring  of  worldliness  and  worldly  success  about  them, 
suggesting  the  acting  of  a part,  and  the  acting  it  well. 
When  we  get  enthusiastic  about  our  Rabbis  or  Zaddi- 
kim,  we  describe  them  as  ‘sacred  unto  God,’  ‘holy  and 
pure,’  ‘contrite  of  spirit’  ( zerbrochener  Jud),  or  as  ‘men 
hiding  themselves  in  the  stuff’  (i  Sam.  io : 22),  and  by 
similar  phrases  conveying  the  idea  of  an  ascetic  life,  a 
shrinking  from  publicity,— religious  delicacy.” 


192 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


I interposed  that  asceticism  was  a monastic  ideal, 
and  that  there  is  no  room  for  it  in  Judaism. 

“Oh!”  he  exclaimed  angrily,  “this  is  again  one  of 
your  platitudes.  Who  is  Judaism?  You  and  I,  or  is 
it  the  prophet  Elijah,  Rabbi  Zadok,  R.  Simon  ben 
Yochai,  Bachye,  and  the  Gaon  of  Wilna?” 

“To  be  sure,”  he  added,  “you  are  the  people  of 
muscular  Judaism.  Of  course,  you  are  only  parroting 
the  silly  phrase  prevalent  some  half-century  ago  when 
it  was  suddenly  discovered  that  outdoor  sports  and 
good  feeding  and  brutality  of  the  martial  kind  were  an 
integral  part  of  primitive  Christianity.  You  at  once 
took  up  the  phrase,  and  are  now  thoroughly  con- 
vinced that  nothing  is  so  conducive  to  holiness  as 
underdone  beef  and  stout,  bare  knees  and  champion- 
ship contests  at  football.  It  is  only  your  ignorance  of 
Jewish  life  and  Jewish  thought  that  makes  you  so 
susceptible  to  every  fashionable  craze  of  the  moment, 
and  ready  to  claim  it  as  the  Jewish  ideal.” 

In  this  way  he  went  on  pouring  out  torrents  of 
abuse  and  speech,  which  I dare  not  repeat,  but  I will 
record  here  his  concluding  remark,  which  was  to  the 
following  effect:  “One  of  your  philosophers,”  he 
said,  “maintained  that  the  world  cannot  be  too  often 
reminded  that  there  once  lived  such  a person  as  So- 
crates, and  you  cannot  too  often  remember  that  Baal 
Shem,  R.  Elijah  Wilna,  Krochmal,  the  last  real  great 
reformers  of  Judaism,  not  mere  aesthetes,  were  Rus- 
sian or  Polish  Jews.  As  for  spirituality  in  particular, 
I will  only  direct  your  attention  to  a book,  Nephesh 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


193 


ha-Chayim , written  by  one  of  the  pupils  of  R.  Elijah 
Wilna  with  the  express  purpose  of  checking  the  mys- 
tical tendencies  represented  by  the  Chasidim,  and  I 
challenge  you  to  show  me,  in  your  Anglo-Judaean 
publications,  a single  page  equalling  it  in  spirituality 
and  in  depth  of  religious  feeling.” 

I am  now  reading  the  book,  and  I am  compelled 
to  confess  that  our  “alien”  was  right. 

Despising  a Glorious  Inheritance 

Some  time  ago,  when  discussing  University  topics 
with  a colleague,  my  friend  made  the  remark  that  Jews 
and  women  are  in  proportion  to  their  lesser  numbers 
more  strongly  represented  in  the  various  branches  of 
natural  science — to  the  neglect  of  all  other  subjects — 
than  any  other  section  of  the  nation.  With  that  in- 
veterate habit  of  ours  to  interpret  all  facts  in  a way 
flattering  to  our  vanity,  I at  once  jumped  to  the  con- 
clusion that  there  must  be  some  mysterious  mental 
affinity  between  “Johanna  Bull  ” and  “Young  Israel,” 
making  them  take  up  the  same  intellectual  pursuits  in 
life.  My  friend  shook  his  head,  and  said:  “The  rea- 
son is  simple  enough,  neither  Jews  nor  women  have 
any  traditions  of  real  learning.”  To  be  a member  of 
a community  in  whose  ears  it  is  always  dinned  that  it 
represents  “the  people  of  the  Book,”  and  to  be  sud- 
denly told  that  one  is  a mere  parvenu  in  the  world  of 
thought,  is  bad  enough ; but  what  makes  it  worse  is 
the  unfortunate  circumstance  that  the  taunt  is  not 
entirely  devoid  of  truth. 


i94 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


I am  only  a teacher,  not  an  educationalist,  and 
University  statistics  do  not  fall  within  the  range  of  my 
studies ; there  may  thus  be  some  flaw  in  the  figures 
which  were  at  the  disposal  of  my  friend.  But  his 
remark  was  perfectly  justified,  if  it  was  based  on  the 
very  insignificant  part  we  take  in  the  study  of  Semit- 
ics, more  particularly  in  that  of  the  Hebrew  language. 
In  this  respect  we  resemble  much  more  the  Japanese 
and  the  Hindus  whose  traditions  are  pagan,  or  the 
African  races  who  have  no  traditions,  than  the  dwel- 
lers of  these  islands  with  whom  the  original  language 
of  the  Old  Testament  is  an  object  of  deep  love  and 
reverential  study.  Now  and  then  a Jewish  under- 
graduate takes  advantage  of  his  confirmation  days, 
and  freshening  up  his  Parashah  and  his  prayer-book, 
he  manages  to  carry  off  a Hebrew  exhibition  or  sizar- 
ship.  On  rare,  very  rare,  occasions  it  even  happens 
that  a Jewish  undergraduate  takes  up  Semitics  as  a 
subject  for  honours.  But  there  the  matter  ends.  Un- 
like the  Anglo-Saxon  of  Christian  persuasion,  the 
Anglo-Saxon  of  Jewish  persuasion  never  becomes  a 
Semitic  student  or  even  a “ Hebrew  scholar,”  devoting 
to  the  study  of  the  sacred  language  all  his  time  and 
energies.  All  classes  of  the  nation  are  engaged  in 
this  labour  of  love — sons  of  Cabinet  Ministers,  sons  of 
generals,  sons  of  high  ecclesiastics,  sons  of  great  finan- 
ciers, making  theology  and  the  study  of  the  Hebrew 
language — sometimes  the  study  of  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage without  the  theology — the  sole  occupation  of 
their  lives,  toiling  in  it  enthusiastically  until  their  dying 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


195 


day,  and  enriching  it  with  their  contributions.  We  are 
the  only  cool-headed  people  who  remain  perfectly  in- 
different in  the  presence  of  all  this  enthusiasm.  The 
consequence  is  that  with  one  glorious  exception  we 
are  as  little  represented  in  that  gigantic  literature 
which  centres  round  the  Bible — commentaries,  arch- 
aeological researches,  studies  in  Cuneiform  and  Egypt- 
ology, grammatical  treatises,  histories  of  Israel,  and 
other  helps  to  the  “ Book  ” — as  the  semi-civilised  races 
mentioned  above.  Like  politics  in  America,  theology 
and  all  that  is  connected  with  it  has  become  with  us  a 
close  profession  of  no  mortal  interest  to  those  who  are 
not  in  it,  which  a gentleman  may  tolerate  and  even 
contribute  toward  maintaining,  but  in  which  he  must 
never  engage  personally. 

The  situation  becomes  serious  when  we  have  to 
witness  that  even  those  classes  that  are  supposed  to 
constitute  the  close  profession  of  theology  are  gradu- 
ally drifting  away  from  the  study  of  the  Torah,  be- 
coming strangers  to  any  deeper  knowledge  of  Jewish 
literature.  I am  referring  to  the  Jewish  clergy,  who, 
labouring  under  a cruel  system  which  reduces  man  to  a 
mere  plaything  of  politico-economic  forces,  are  rapidly 
losing  touch  with  the  venerable  Rabbi  of  Jewish  tradi- 
tion, whose  chief  office  was  to  teach  and  to  learn  Torah. 
With  us  the  duty  of  learning  (or  study  of  the  Torah) 
seems  to  be  of  least  moment  in  the  life  of  the  minister. 
As  long  as  he  is  in  statu  pupillari,  most  of  his  energies 
are  directed  toward  acquiring  the  amount  of  secular 
learning  necessary  for  the  obtaining  of  a University  de- 


196 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


gree,  whilst  in  his  capacity  as  full  Reverend  he  is  ex- 
pected to  divide  his  time  between  the  offices  of  cantor, 
prayer,  preacher,  book-keeper,  debt-collector,  al- 
moner, and  social  agitator.  No  leisure  is  left  to  him  to 
enable  him  to  increase  his  scanty  stock  of  Hebrew 
knowledge  acquired  in  his  undergraduate  days.  Oc- 
casionally rumour  spreads  anent  some  minister,  that  he 
neglects  his  duty  to  his  congregation  through  his 
being  secretly  addicted  to  Jewish  learning.  But  such 
rumours  often  turn  out  to  be  sheer  malice,  and  form  in 
the  worst  case  only  the  exception  to  the  rule.  Of 
course,  as  in  so  many  other  respects,  we  are  also  in 
this  only  imitating  the  Establishment,  in  which,  by  a 
peculiar  history  of  its  own,  the  man  of  business  or  the 
great  organiser  has  of  late  years  gained  the  ascen- 
dency over  the  man  of  thought  and  learning. 

Now,  there  is  even  in  the  Church  a party  which 
resents  this  ascendency,  rightly  feeling  that  souls  can- 
not be  “organised”  and  that  the  qualities  which  go 
toward  the  making  of  a “man  of  God”  are  not  ex- 
actly those  required  of  a successful  manager  of  a 
company.  But  this  distrust  of  the  man  of  affairs  must 
grow  deeper  in  a community  professing  a religion  that, 
unlike  Christianity,  which  to  a certain  extent  began 
life  with  defying  learning  and  throwing  down  the 
gauntlet  to  scholars,  entered  upon  its  career  (of  Rab- 
binic Judaism)  with  the  declaration,  “On  three  things 
the  world  is  based:  on  the  study  of  the  Torah,  on 
worship,  and  on  lovingkindness.”  Such  a religion 
cannot  well  convert  itself  suddenly  into  a large  charity 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


197 


agency,  without  doing  serious  injury  to  one  of  its 
most  important  life-springs.  Nor  must  it  be  forgot- 
ten that  the  Church  is  not  quite  dependent  for  its 
necessary  modicum  of  learning  upon  the  bishops’ 
bench  or  on  the  rest  of  the  active  clergy.  For  this 
ample  provision  is  made  in  our  great  universities 
where  Queen  Theology  is  still  holding  her  own,  and 
where  there  is  hardly  any  branch  of  divinity  for  which 
a chair  was  not  created  and  endowed  in  such  a way 
as  to  make  its  occupation  desirable.  But  there  is 
naturally  little  room  in  our  alma  mater  for  that  special 
sort  of  learning  of  which  the  Synagogue  is  in  need 
(of  post-Biblical  literature),  whilst  we  can  hardly  hope 
that  the  laity  will  devote  itself  to  a subject  holding  out 
little  hope  of  success  in  the  world  and  public  recogni- 
tion. We  can,  therefore,  only  rely  upon  our  Rabbis, 
who  were  always  considered  the  depositaries  of  the 
Torah,  to  remain  faithful  to  their  trust;  and  unless  we 
choose  to  degenerate  into  a mere  ranting  sect,  we 
shall  have  to  give  up  looking  upon  our  ministers  as  a 
sort  of  superior  clerks  in  whom  the  business-like  ca- 
pacity is  more  in  demand  than  any  other  virtues  they 
may  possess. 

But  if  there  was  ever  a time  when  a revival  of 
Hebrew  learning  meant  the  very  existence  of  Judaism, 
it  is  this.  It  must  be  clear  to  everybody,  I think, 
who  does  not  allow  himself  to  be  deceived  by  the  few 
political  distinctions  which  have  fallen  to  our  share 
within  the  last  fifty  years,  that  the  new  century  does 
not  open  under  very  favourable  auspices  for  Judaism. 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


198 


Everything  seems  to  be  out  of  gear.  Our  Scriptures 
are  the  constant  object  of  attack,  our  history  is  ques- 
tioned, and  its  morality  is  declared  to  be  of  an  inferior 
sort,  our  brethren  are  either  directly  persecuted,  or 
allowed  to  exist  only  on  sufferance  everywhere  with 
the  exception  of  England  and  Italy.  The  number  of 
conversions  is  constantly  increasing,  assuming  in  the 
less  enlightened  countries  such  frightful  proportions 
as  are  known  to  history  only  in  the  days  of  Ferdinand 
the  Catholic  ; whilst  even  in  the  more  civilised  parts 
of  the  world,  where  we  enjoy  full  equality  with  our 
fellow-citizens,  some  of  our  greatest  families,  forming 
in  the  days  of  yore  the  pride  and  the  hope  of  Israel, 
are  perpetually  crumbling  away  through  conscious 
and  unconscious  amalgamation.  It  is  no  exaggera- 
tion to  say  that  eveiy  letter  patent  conferring  nobility 
upon  a Jew  contains  an  indirect  invitation  to  leave  the 
Pale  and  join  the  majority  of  his  new  compeers. 
Worst  of  all  is  the  attitude  of  the  younger  generation, 
who,  if  not  directly  hostile,  are  by  dint  of  mere  ignor- 
ance sadly  indifferent  to  everything  Jewish,  and  thus 
incapable  of  taking  the  place  of  their  parents  in  the 
Synagogue.  Notwithstanding  our  self-congratulating 
speeches  at  the  annual  distributions  of  religious  prizes, 
it  is  a fact  that  ignorance  is  on  the  increase  among 
our  better  situated  classes.  Very  few  are  capable  of 
reading  their  prayers,  and  less  are  able  to  understand 
what  they  read ; whilst  the  number  of  those  who 
know  anything  of  Israel’s  past  and  share  in  its  hopes 
for  Israel’s  future,  forms  almost  a negligible  quan- 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


199 


tity.  Those  who  have  some  dim  recollection  of  the 
religious  exercises  practised  in  the  houses  of  their 
fathers,  still  entertain  some  warm  regard  for  Jewish 
life  and  Jewish  ways  of  thinking;  but  religious  warmth, 
like  heat  in  general,  is  apt  to  evaporate  with  the  in- 
creasing distance  of  the  conductors,  and  the  children 
or  the  grandchildren  of  these  sympathetic  lookers-on 
are  bound  to  end  in  that  cold  critical  attitude  toward 
Judaism  terminating  in  the  drifting  away  from  it  al- 
together. 

The  outlook  is  thus  dark  enough ; dark  enough, 
indeed,  to  be  followed  by  some  great  revival  or  renais- 
sance, or  as  the  Rabbis  put  it : “ The  redemption  of 
Israel  is  preceded,  like  the  dawn,  by  intense  darkness, 
as  it  is  said  : When  I sit  in  darkness,  the  Lord  shall 
be  a light  unto  me.”  Now  the  Renaissance  is  usually 
described  as  the  moment  in  history  in  which  man  dis- 
covered himself.  In  a similar  way  the  Jew  will  also 
have  to  re-discover  himself.  This  discovery,  which 
should  be  undertaken  with  a view  to  strengthening 
the  Jewish  consciousness,  can  be  made  only  by  means 
of  Jewish  literature,  which  retains  all  that  is  immortal 
in  the  nation.  There  it  will  be  found  that  we  have  no 
need  to  borrow  commentaries  on  our  Scriptures  from 
the  Christians,  nor  constantly  to  use  foreign  fertilisers 
in  our  sermons.  Jewish  soil  is  rich  enough  for  all 
purposes,  and  those  who,  instead  of  using  their  dic- 
tionary of  quotations  and  other  aids  to  pious  com- 
position, will  courageously  dig  in  the  perennial  mines 
of  Jewish  thought,  will  find  that  there  is  no  need  to 


200 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


go  begging  for  an  “ over-soul  ” from  Emerson,  or  for 
crumbs  of  a tame  pantheism  from  Wordsworth,  or  for 
a somewhat  brusque  immortality  from  Tennyson,  or 
even  for  a Kingdom  of  God  with  something  like  a 
converted  political  economy  from  Ruskin.  I yield  to 
no  man  in  respect  for  these  writers,  but  unless  we  are 
prepared  to  see  the  Synagogue  lose  its  Jewish  com- 
plexion, the  Jewish  pulpit  must  be  reserved  for  the 
teaching  of  the  Bible  with  such  illustrative  matter  as 
is  to  be  found  in  the  Mechilta,  Siphre,  Pesikta,  and  in 
the  writings  of  Ibn  Gabirol,  Jehudah  Plalevi,  Maimon- 
ides,  Nachmanides,  Luzzatto,  the  Gaon,  the  Baal 
Shcm,  and  other  Jewish  classics. 

Above  all,  however,  it  is,  as  already  indicated,  of 
supreme  importance  that  we  re-possess  ourselves  of 
our  Scriptures.  The  Torah  is,  as  the  Rabbis  express 
it,  “ the  bride  of  the  congregation  of  Jacob,”  but  to  ac- 
quire a knowledge  of  it  through  the  medium  of  Chris- 
tian commentaries  means  to  love  by  proxy,  and  never 
to  gain  the  spiritual  nearness  which  made  it  so  easy 
for  our  ancestors  to  die  and  even  to  live  for  it.  I am 
not  unmindful  of  the  profit  which  the  Biblical  student 
may  derive  from  the  works  of  such  men  as  Ewald, 
Dillmann,  Kuenen,  and  many  others  of  the  same 
schools.  But  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  there  is 
such  a thing  as  a Christian  bias,  prevalent  even  in 
works  of  the  Higher  Criticism,  and  to  ignore  Rashi, 
Ibn  Ezra,  and  Kimchi,  in  favor  of  Stade  and  Duhm, 
means  to  move  from  the  “ Judengasse  ” into  the  Chris- 
tian Ghetto.  With  Christian  commentators,  whether 


EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS 


201 


orthodox  or  liberal,  the  Old  Testament  is  only  a pre- 
amble to  the  New  Testament,  all  the  prophecies  and 
hope  of  salvation  culminating  in  Jesus.  Post-Biblical 
Judaism  is  almost  entirely  neglected  by  them,  in  spite 
of  the  light  it  may  shed  on  many  Biblical  points, 
insisting  as  they  do  that  Jewish  history  terminated 
about  the  year  30  of  our  era.  With  the  Jew  the  Old 
Testament  is  final,  though  its  aspects  may  vary  with 
the  interpretation  given  to  it  by  an  ever-changing  his- 
tory and  differing  phases  of  thought,  whilst  it  is  Israel, 
“ the  servant  of  God,”  in  whom  all  the  promises  and 
hopes  of  the  Prophets  centre.  It  is  in  this  spirit  that 
a Jewish  commentary  should  be  written  to  the  whole 
of  the  Bible  (including  the  Apocrypha)  for  the  great 
majority  of  the  Jewish  public,  with  whom  the  Scrip- 
tures should  again  become  an  object  both  of  study 
and  of  edification.  This  should  be  the  next  task  to 
which  our  clergy  should  devote  themselves  in  the  near 
future.  But  a quite  different  standard  of  learning  will 
have  to  be  created  to  enable  them  to  undertake  such 
a task.  Our  ministry  will  surely  rejoice  in  the  op- 
portunity of  being  translated  from  the  noisy  platform, 
with  its  temptation  of  loathsome  and  vulgar  self-adver- 
tisement, to  the  quiet  study,  and  the  community,  if  it 
is  as  much  alive  to  the  duties  of  the  West  End  as  it  is 
to  its  responsibilities  to  the  East  End,  will  have  to  re- 
lieve the  minister  from  many  an  uncongenial  and  un- 
profitable duty,  which  not  only  makes  learning  among 
us  impossible,  but  deters  many  a noble  and  indepen- 
dent thinker  from  entering  the  sacred  profession  to 
which  he  could  add  only  lustre. 


SAFED  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 

A CITY  OF  LEGISTS  AND  MYSTICS 

Safed  is  a small  city  in  Upper  Galilee  situated  on 
a hill  in  a mountainous  country,  and  forming  part 
of  the  Holy  Land  assigned  in  the  Scriptures  to  the 
tribe  of  Naphtali.  Of  the  various  cities  of  Palestine 
boasting  of  a large  Jewish  population  it  is  relatively 
the  most  modern.  Neither  the  Bible  nor  the  Talmud 
has  any  definite  reference  to  it,  whilst  the  mention  of 
a locality  Zeplied,  by  Kalir,  is  obscure,  and  can  serve 
little  for  purposes  of  identification.1 

Yet  this  was  the  spot  of  which  R.  Joseph  Caro 
wrote  in  the  sixteenth  century : “After  nearly  fifteen 
hundred  years  of  living  in  the  exile  and  persecution, 
he  (God)  remembered  unto  his  people  his  covenant 
with  their  fathers,  and  brought  them  back  from  their 
captivity,  one  of  a city  and  two  of  a family,  from  the 
corners  of  the  earth  to  the  land  of  glory,  and  they 
settled  in  the  city  of  Safed,  the  desire  of  all  lands.’’2 

The  impulse  under  which  the  “one  of  a city  and 
two  of  a family”  acted  when  they  preferred  the  “land 
of  glory”  to  the  great  commercial  centres  of  Europe 
was  a religious  one. 

Samuel  Usque,  the  famous  author  of  the  “ Con- 
solacavi  as  tnbulacoes  de  Ysrael ” ( “The  Consolation  and 


SAFED 


203 


the  Tribulations  of  Israel”),  has  the  following  passage 
in  praise  of  the  country  in  which  most  of  his  fellow- 
sufferers  from  the  Pyrenean  peninsula  found  an  asylum  ; 
“Great  Turkey,  . . . there  the  gates  of  freedom  and 
equal  opportunity  for  the  unhindered  practice  of 
Jewish  worship  are  ever  open  to  Israel ; they  are  never 
closed  against  thee.  There  thou  canst  renew  thy  in- 
ward life,  change  thy  condition,  strip  off  thy  habits, 
cast  away  erroneous  teachings,  recover  thy  ancient 
truths,  and  abandon  the  practices  which,  by  the  violence 
of  the  nations  among  which  thou  wast  a pilgrim,  thou 
wast  forced  to  imitate.  In  this  land  thou  receivest 
boundless  grace  from  the  Lord,  since  therein  he  grant- 
eth  thee  unlimited  freedom  to  begin  thy  repentance.” 3 

The  inducement  thus  held  out  to  the  exiled  from 
Spain  and  Portugal  was  not  only  that  they  would  in 
the  new  country  be  allowed  to  serve  their  God,  with- 
out let  or  hindrance,  but  also  that  an  opportunity 
would  be  granted  them  of  a total  regeneration  and 
renewal  of  heart. 

The  sense  of  sin  apparently  weighing  so  heavily  on 
Usque  may  be  detected  also  in  other  writers,  as,  for 
instance,  Joseph  Jabez,  who  depicted  the  spiritual  con- 
dition of  the  Jews  in  Spain  in  the  darkest  colours,  and 
describes  the  men  who  witnessed  the  expulsion  as  an 
“evil  generation,  increasing  rebellions  and  transgres- 
sions without  number.”  He  declared  that  it  was 
mainly  the  Spanish  Jewesses  who  remained  faithful,  and 
who  themselves  suffered,  and  made  their  husbands 
suffer,  martyrdom  for  the  Sanctification  of  the  Named 


204 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


Another  instance  is  found  in  the  chronicler  Abraham 
ben  Solomon,  of  Torrutiel  in  Spain,  who  says,  “Our 
iniquities  had  increased  over  our  heads,  and  our 
trespasses  had  grown  up  unto  the  heavens,  seeing  the 
evils  and  the  sin  and  the  terrible  pride  so  rampant 
among  the  Jews  in  the  kingdom  of  Spain.”  Jabez  and 
Abraham  ben  Solomon  belonged  to  the  anti-rationalistic 
party  of  the  Spanish  Jews,  and  may  have  exaggerated 
the  evils  of  the  situation  in  their  accusations,  but  their 
feelings  were  very  likely  shared,  to  some  extent,  by  all 
other  exiles.5  Nathan  Nata  of  Hanover,  the  well-known 
author  of  the  Ycven  Mezulah , concludes  his  account  of 
the  terrible  suffering  of  the  Jews  during  the  Chmielnicki 
persecution  with  the  words : “What  shall  we  speak,  or 
how  shall  we  call  ourselves?  The  Lord  has  found  out 
our  sins.  Does  God  execute  j udgment  without  j ustice  ?”6 
The  sufferers  of  Spain  doubtless  viewed  their  misfor- 
tunes from  the  same  standpoint.  And  since  these  evils 
must  have  been  in  some  way  proportionate  to  the 
greatness  of  the  catastrophe  which  had  overtaken 
them,  those  of  deeper  religious  sensitiveness  must  cer- 
tainly have  felt  the  need  of  a new  life  and  a regeneration. 

It  is  to  this  need  that  we  have  to  attribute  the  fact  that 
large  numbers  of  the  exiles  were  impelled  to  emigrate 
to  the  Holy  Land,  the  country  which,  from  the  times 
of  the  prophets  down  to  Judah  Halevi  in  the  twelfth 
century,  and  from  the  time  of  Judah  Halevi  down  to 
the  disciples  of  Elijah  Wilna  and  Israel  Baal  Shem  in 
the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries,  was  always 
considered  a country  of  great  “spiritual  opportunities.” 


SAFED 


205 


As  a Spanish  Jew  of  the  thirteenth  century  who  took 
a vow  to  emigrate  to  the  Holy  Land  expressed  it, 
“There  (in  Jerusalem,  or  near  it)  is  the  place  for  ful- 
filling the  commandments  and  receiving  upon  oneself 
the  Kingdom  of  Heaven.  Our  worship  there  is  accept- 
able, for  there  is  the  House  of  our  God  and  the  Gate 
of  Heaven.”  7 

Indeed,  it  may  be  stated  without  fear  of  contradic- 
tion, that  there  never  was  a time  in  which  the  Holy 
Land  was  not  an  object  of  attraction  and  deep  longing 
for  the  pious  Jew,  even  though  he  was  not  always  able 
to  gratify  his  longing  in  this  respect.  As  we  know  now, 
there  were  for  centuries  after  the  destruction  of  the 
Holy  Temple,  every  year  during  the  Feast  of  Taber- 
nacles, large  meetings  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  con- 
stituted of  pilgrims  from  Palestine  itself,  Babylon, 
Egypt,  and  perhaps  also  from  Europe. 8 

These  meetings  were  probably  brought  to  an  end  in 
the  eleventh  century  through  the  troubles  of  the  Cru- 
sades; but  the  second  decade  of  the  thirteenth  century 
witnessed  the  famous  pilgrimage  of  three  hundred 
Rabbis  from  France,  England,  and  Spain  to  the  Holy 
Land.9  In  the  fourteenth  century  the  well-known 
traveller  Pharchi  explored  the  Holy  Land,  and  reported 
about  different  settlements  in  various  localities.10 
Emigration  to  Palestine  assumed,  however,  larger 
dimensions  in  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries, 
caused  by  the  general  distress  of  the  Jews  in  almost 
all  parts  of  Christendom.  The  majority  of  the  refugees 
escaped  to  Turkey,  but  a considerable  minority,  com- 


206 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


posed,  as  already  indicated,  of  the  more  spiritual-minded 
among  them,  directed  their  steps  to  the  Holy  Land. 

As  hinted  before,  Safed  has  no  Biblical  nor  even 
Talmudic  record.  Its  first  appearance  in  Jewish  his- 
tory dates  from  about  the  beginning  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  when  the  traveller  Samuel  ben  Shimshon  re- 
ports the  existence  of  a community  there  of  more  than 
fifty  members.  Somewhat  later  it  is  mentioned  in  con- 
nexion with  a document  relating  to  the  Maimonides  con- 
troversy, which  bears  also  the  signatures  of  R.  Moses 
ben  Judah  and  his  colleagues,  the  Rabbis  of  Safed. 11 
R.  Hananel  Ibn  Askara  and  R.  Shem  Tob  Ibn  Gaon, 
of  Spain,  migrated  to  Safed  in  the  same  century;12  whilst 
R.  Isaac  ben  Joseph  Chelo,  of  Laresa  in  Spain,  and 
Pharchi,  mentioned  above,  visited  Safed  in  the  four- 
teenth century  and  speak  of  a large  Jewish  community 
dwelling  there.13  Joseph  Mantabia,  who  visited  Safed 
in  1481,  speaks  of  it  as  a “fine”  community,  number- 
ing about  three  hundred  families,  including  those  living 
in  the  neighbouring  villages. 14 

It  is,  however,  not  until  the  last  decade  of  the 
fifteenth  century  that  Safed  begins  to  be  especially 
noted  for  the  importance  of  its  Jewish  population.  The 
man  who  was  the  most  significant  factor  in  the  develop- 
ment of  this  Jewish  settlement,  which  excelled  Jerusalem 
not  only  in  the  size  of  its  Jewish  population  but  also 
in  the  number  of  great  men  it  harboured,  was  R. 
Joseph  Saragossi.  Saragossi,  hailing  perhaps  originally 
from  Spain,  was  an  exile  from  Sicily,  and,  after  a resi- 
dence in  Beyrout  and  Sidon,  finally  settled  in  Safed, 


SAFED 


207 


where  he  most  likely  established  a school.  He  was  of 
humble  disposition,  making  peace  between  man  and 
man,  including  non-Jews,  and  he  probably  did  his  best 
to  blend  the  various  elements  of  the  new  settlement, 
consisting  of  natives,  of  exiles  from  Spain,  and  of  immi- 
grants from  the  Barbary  States,  into  one  great  com- 
munity. 15 

The  preference  given  to  Safed,  a non-Scriptural 
town,  over  Jerusalem,  the  historical  metropolis  of 
Palestine  and  the  holiest  city  of  the  Holy  Land,  may 
be  accounted  for  by  the  unfavourable  conditions 
prevailing  in  Jerusalem  at  that  time.  As  evidenced  by 
certain  contemporary  documents,  the  administration  of 
the  Jewish  community  in  Jerusalem  was  influenced  by 
a rather  ungenerous  spirit,  imposing  heavy  taxes  on  new 
arrivals,  and  making  residence  there  a great  hardship. 
The  Mohammedan  population  seems  also  to  have  been 
hostile  to  the  Jews,  rapacious,  and  extortionate. 16 
Safed,  on  the  other  hand,  never  having  had  before  this 
time  an  important  Jewish  population,  the  community 
there  had  no  occasion  to  make  regulations  calculated  to 
exploit  the  foreigner,  whilst  the  non- Jewish  population 
seems  to  have  been  more  kindly  disposed  toward  the 
Jews,  sparing  them  the  heavy  taxation  which  was  the 
rule  in  Jerusalem.  R.  Obadiah  of  Bertinoro,  who  had 
no  opportunity  to  visit  the  north,  writes,  in  his  famous 
letter  dated  1489,  that,  according  to  report,  the  Jews  of 
Safed  and  of  other  places  in  Galilee  lived  in  peace  and 
in  quiet,  not  being  exposed  to  persecution  on  the  part 
of  the  Mohammedans.  He  writes,  “They  are  mostly 


208 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


poor,  spending  their  time  in  villages,  going  about 
peddling  in  houses  and  on  farms,  asking  for  food.”17 

Another  reason  which  may  have  been  decisive  in 
favour  of  attracting  immigrants  to  Safed  was  the  simple 
life  led  by  the  inhabitants  of  that  city.  The  old  saying, 
“Love  work  and  hate  lordship”  (in  modern  parlance, 
snobbery),  was  followed  by  them  to  the  letter.  An 
anonymous  traveller  who  passed  through  Safed  in  the 
year  1496  writes  of  the  learned  Rabbi  Pharez  Colobi, 
the  head  of  the  community,  that  he  kept  a shop  where 
articles  of  food  were  sold,  by  which  he  made  a living. 18 
Shlomel  of  Moravia,  the  author  of  one  of  the  legendary 
biographies  of  Loria,  writing  from  Safed  in  the  year 
1607,  says  of  its  citizens  that  there  were  to  be  found 
among  them  “great  scholars,  saints,  and  men  of  action, 
full  of  Divine  wisdom,  so  that  they  were  worthy  of  the 
gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit,”  but  what  he  seemed  to  admire 
most  was  the  simplicity  and  the  humility  of  spirit  which 
they  possessed.  “None  among  them,”  he  writes,  “is 
ashamed  to  go  to  the  well  and  draw  water  and 
carry  home  the  pitcher  on  his  shoulders,  or  go  to  the 
market  to  buy  bread,  oil,  and  vegetables.  All  the 
work  in  the  house  is  done  by  themselves,”  without 
servants.  Shlomel’s  statement  may  be  illustrated  by  the 
following  story:  Once,  R.  Abraham  Galanti,  the  leading 
disciple  of  Cordovero  and  the  author  of  many  works, 
was  carrying  a sack  of  flour  on  his  shoulders  from  the 
market.  But  there  came  the  famous  scholar  R.  Solo- 
mon Sagis  (?)  and  snatched  away  the  sack  from  the 
shoulders  of  Galanti,  and  pronounced  an  oath,  that  no 


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2og 


man  should  be  permitted  to  carry  this  sack  of  flour  to  its 
destination  except  himself,  who  was  so  much  younger 
and  stronger.  On  another  occasion,  Galanti  was  carry- 
ing a cask  of  water  on  his  shoulders  from  a village 
near  Safed  when  the  Saint  R.  Misod  met  him  and  said, 
“Master,  give  me  a drink,  as  I am  very  thirsty.” 
Whereupon  Galanti  offered  him  the  cask.  R.  Misod 
then  snatched  away  the  burden  and  carried  it  to 
Galanti’s  home  in  Safed. 19 

Thus  material  as  well  as  spiritual  considerations 
combined  to  make  Safed  the  chosen  city  for  the  time 
being.  The  rapid  growth  of  Safed  may  easily  be  seen 
by  the  fact  that  whilst,  according  to  one  account,  Safed 
counted  three  synagogues  in  1522,  and  could  point 
perhaps  to  only  one  Talmudic  college  established  by 
Saragossi,  it  could  a few  years  later  boast  of  being  the 
centre  of  learning  in  Palestine,  and,  in  1603,  accord- 
ing to  Shlomel’s  letter  of  that  year,  it  contained  not 
less  than  eighteen  Talmudic  colleges  and  twenty-one 
synagogues,  besides  a large  school  for  the  children 
of  the  poor,  with  twenty  teachers  and  four  hundred 
pupils,  maintained  by  wealthy  Jews  in  Constantinople, 
who  also  provided  the  latter  with  clothes.  The  Jews 
in  Turkey  were  particularly  interested  in  maintaining 
the  Safed  schools,  and  special  messengers  were  sent 
from  this  community  to  collect  moneys.  We  even 
find  mention  of  a single  bequest  for  the  Yeshiboth  of 
Safed  amounting  to  100,000  lebanim. 20 

The  history  of  the  world,  some  maintain,  is  but  the 
record  of  its  great  men.  This  is  especially  true  of  the 


210 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


history  of  Safed  in  the  sixteenth  century,  which  is 
essentially  spiiitual  in  its  character,  made  and  developed 
by  men  living  lives  purified  by  suffering,  and  hallowed 
by  constant  struggle  after  purification  and  holiness. 
The  two  figures  standing  out  most  prominently  among 
these  are  R.  Joseph  Caro,  the  leading  legist  of  the  time, 
and  his  contemporary,  R.  Isaac  Loria,  the  generally 
recognised  head  of  the  mystical  school  of  Safed. 
It  will,  therefore,  be  advisable  to  group  our  remarks 
around  these  two  heroes.  From  their  eminence  we 
shall  be  able  to  obtain  a general  view  of  the  lives  of 
the  other  mighty  men  in  Israel  engaged  in  the  same  gen- 
eral religious  activities  and  pursuing  the  same  spiritual 
ends,  contributing  their  share  to  the  fame  which  Safed 
has  achieved  in  Jewish  history. 

R.  Joseph  Caro  was  born  in  the  Pyrenean  penin- 
sula (probably  Spain)  in  the  year  1488,  whence  he 
emigrated  as  a boy  of  four,  in  the  year  1492,  with  his 
father  Ephraim,  who  was  also  his  first  teacher.  After 
many  wanderings  and  great  suffering,  they  reached  Nic- 
opolis,  in  European  Turkey,  in  which  city  the  son 
Joseph  remained  until  the  year  1 5 22. 21  He  was  advised 
there  by  his  Maggid,  a kind  of  Mentor- Angel  (of  whom 
more  presently),  to  leave  this  place,  whose  inhabitants 
seem  to  have  been  rather  close-fisted  in  their  relations 
to  the  poor,  and  lacking  in  devotion  to  the  Torah, 
and  to  move  to  Adrianople,  in  European  Turkey,  one 
of  the  various  gathering  points  of  the  Spanish  exiles. 22 
There  he  remained  for  some  years,  serving  in  the 


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21 1 


capacity  of  the  head  of  the  Yeshibah,  or  Talmudic 
College.  It  was  in  this  town  that  he  began  the  com- 
position of  his  work  Beth  Joseph,  which  occupied  him 
for  the  next  thirty  years  of  his  life  (1522-1552). 

The  Beth  Joseph  is  a gigantic  work  comprising  four 
big  folio  volumes,  the  first  edition  of  which  appeared 
I 5 50 1 5 59.  It  forms  a sort  of  commentary  to  R. 
Jacob  ben  Asher’s  “Digest  of  the  Law,”  Arba  Turini , 
tracing  each  law  to  its  original  sources  for  nearly  fif- 
teen hundred  years,  pursuing  it  through  its  various 
stages  of  different  interpreters  and  codifiers,  giving  in 
disputed  cases  the  arguments  on  both  sides,  and  bring- 
ing it  down  to  his  own  time.  It  is  hardly  necessary 
to  point  to  the  tremendous  learning  and  unsurpassed 
acquaintance  with  the  Law  in  all  its  branches  and 
ramifications  displayed  in  the  Beth  Joseph.  But  what 
distinguishes  it  above  other  work  of  its  kind  is  not 
only  its  comprehensiveness,  covering  as  it  does  all  the 
contents  of  the  Oral  Law  which  had  not  become  obso- 
lete by  the  destruction  of  the  Holy  Temple,  but  also 
the  methodical  treatment  in  which  he  was  a master, 
and  which  enabled  him  to  bring  system  and  order 
into  this  chaos  of  argument,  accumulated  in  every 
department  of  the  Law,  in  its  passage  through  the  dis- 
cussions of  the  schools  for  many  centuries.  Caro  was 
by  this  work  soon  recognised  as  the  greatest  legist  of 
his  time,  and  was  appealed  to  in  matters  of  law  even  by 
his  contemporaries,  as  the  first  Halachic  authority. 

Next  to  this  in  importance  is  his  work  Shulchan 
Aruch , which  he  finished  in  the  year  1555.  It  forms 


212 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


only  a sort  of  manual  intended  by  Caro  to  serve  chiefly 
as  a repertory  for  his  great  book.  The  Shulchan  Aruch 
soon  proved  to  be  the  most  popular  code  with  students, 
both  on  account  of  its  practical  qualities  and  its  close 
correspondence  with  the  greater  work  of  Caro,  in  which 
the  origin  of  each  law  could  be  easily  traced.  It  passed 
through  several  editions,  and  it  is  still  consulted  with 
profit  by  Rabbis  engaged  in  giving  ritual  decisions  ac- 
cording to  the  Law  of  Moses  and  the  Talmud,  even  at 
this  day  representing  the  great  bulk  of  the  Jews — 
eleven  millions  and  nine  hundred  thousand  out  of  twelve 
millions.  The  Shulchan  Aruch  is  disfigured  by  a few 
paragraphs  expressing  views  incompatible  with  our 
present  notions  of  tolerance.  But  there  the  discretion 
of  the  Rabbi  comes  in.  By  tacit  consent  these  are  con- 
sidered obsolete  by  all  Jewish  students.  Every  Jewish 
scholar  well  knows  that  the  fugitive  from  the  tyranny 
of  the  pious  royal  couple,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of 
Spain,  was  not  the  person  to  make  an  effort  to  suppress 
intolerant  matter.  To  meet  intolerance  with  equal  in- 
tolerance was  considered  a sort  of  self-defence.  Nay, 
the  student  is  even  convinced  that  Caro  himself  would 
have  hesitated  to  put  such  laws  into  practice.  He 
would  rather  have  followed  the  rule  laid  down  by 
himself  for  himself,  which  was  never  to  be  betrayed 
into  anger,  even  in  matters  of  religion. 

The  other  works  of  Caro  published  during  his  life- 
or  after  his  death  add  little  to  the  greatness  of 
Caro  as  a scholar,  except,  perhaps,  certain  portions  of 
his  Keseph  Mishneh,  forming  a commentary  to  Mai- 


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213 


mon ides’  Mishneh  Torah , and  in  his  Kelale  ha-Talmud, 
on  the  methodology  of  the  Talmud,  as  well  as  certain 
Responsa  embodied  in  various  collections,  in  which 
Caro’s  passion  for  system  and  order  and  lucid  and 
logical  thinking  is  displayed  even  more  clearly  than 
in  the  works  before  named. 

There  is  still  one  work  to  be  considered,  which 
brings  us  closer  to  Caro’s  personality,  and  that  is  the 
Maggid  Mesharim,  which  appeared  some  thirty  years 
after  the  death  of  its  author. 23  The  Maggid  Mcsliarim 
is  a long  dream,  lasting  for  nearly  half  a century. 
For,  remarkable  enough,  the  great  legist  and  logical 
thinker  was  at  the  same  time  a dreamer  of  dreamers. 
Caro  was  passionately  fond  of  the  Mishnah,  to  which  he 
is  supposed  to  have  written  a commentary,  lost  to  us, 
and  its  contents  became  so  identified  with  his  own  self, 
that  they  shaped  themselves  into  a species  of  Genius 
taking  the  form  of  a living  reality  personified  in  the 
Mentor-Angel  above  mentioned.  This  Mentor-Angel 
addresses  him  with  such  expressions  as,  “I  am  the 
Mishnah  that  speaketh  through  thy  mouth ; I am  the 
soul  of  the  Mishnah ; I and  the  Mishnah  and  thou  are 
united  into  one  soul.”24 

As  a rule,  this  I- Mishnah  appeared  to  him  in  the 
depths  of  the  night,  after  Caro  had  studied  for  some 
time  one  or  more  chapters  of  the  Mishnah.  Then  the 
voice  of  his  beloved,  as  Caro  expressed  himself,  would 
begin  to  sound  in  his  mouth,  “singing  of  itself.”25  The 
voice  was  also  audible  to  by-standers,  as  is  clear  from 
the  famous  letter  of  Alkabez,  of  whom  I shall  speak 


214 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


later,  who  was  once  fortunate  enough  to  observe  his 
friend  Caro  in  such  a fit  of  ecstasy,  and  who  has  left  us 
a full  account  of  the  message  delivered  by  the  Mentor- 
Angel  on  that  occasion.26  From  a description  given 
by  Caro  himself  of  his  prospects  of  being  worthy  one 
day  to  hold  communion  with  the  prophet  Elijah,  and 
the  manner  in  which  this  communion  will  take  place, 
we  may  also  conclude  that  the  listeners  recognised 
in  the  strange  sounds  of  the  Mentor-Angel  Caro’s 
own  voice,  though  to  Caro  himself  these  sounds 
appeared  something  alien,  not  himself.  His  other 
organs  seem  to  have  been  at  complete  rest,  which  fact 
produced  the  impression  in  Caro  that  he  served  only  as 
a sort  of  musical  instrument  to  the  sweet  melody  of 
the  Mishnah.  On  the  other  hand,  his  mental  faculties 
remained  fairly  unimpaired,  as  he  retained  complete 
recollection  of  all  the  Mentor- Angel  revealed  to  him. 

This  recollection  he  wrote  down  in  the  Maggid 
Meshcirim,  which  thus  forms  a mystical  diary,  record- 
ing the  spiritual  experience  of  a long  lifetime.  The 
fact  that  the  book  containing  these  recollections  fills 
only  a small  volume  proves  nothing  against  this  theory, 
as  we  possess  it  in  a very  defective  state,  whilst  we 
also  know  that  he  did  not  always  commit  to  writing 
the  contents  of  his  visions,  for  which  neglect  he  is 
reproved  by  the  Mentor-Angel.27 

It  must,  however,  not  be  thought  that  it  is  the 
explanation  of  obscure  passages  of  the  Mishnah  that 
are  revealed  to  Caro  in  his  Mishnah  visions.  In  the 
whole  of  the  Maggid  Mesliarim  there  are  only  a few 


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215 


lines  of  a legal  nature.  Caro  was  sober  enough  not 
to  allow  his  mystical  proclivities  to  have  a marked 
influence  upon  his  judgment  in  matters  of  law.  What 
occupied  his  thoughts  in  these  moments  of  rapture  was 
chiefly  the  mysteries  of  the  Torah,  as  well  as  matters 
of  conduct,  falling  under  the  heading  of  “superior 
holiness.”  I say  “chiefly,”  for  the  “I,”  or  Self,  oc- 
casionally asserts  itself  and  introduces  matter  which 
is  rather  of  a private  nature,  as,  for  instance,  his  matri- 
monial affairs.  From  these  we  learn  that  he  became 
a widower  twice.  His  third  wife,  who  brought  him  a 
large  dowry,  was  the  daughter  of  R.  Zechariah  Zech- 
sel.28  Caro  also  refers  in  a somewhat  unkindly  manner 
to  certain  great  personalities.  These  reflections,  which 
might  have  better  been  left  unexpressed,  were  jotted 
down  probably  in  moments  of  depression  and  resent- 
ment, for  which  we  may  not  judge  him  too  severely.29 
In  the  great  majority  of  cases,  however,  Caro’s  Self 
was  under  the  strict  control  of  the  Mishnah,  or  his  ideal 
Mentor- Angel. 

The  Mentor- Angel  is  very  exacting  in  his  demands. 
“I  am  the  mother  that  chastises  her  children,”  the 
Mishnah  says  to  him,  “be  strong  and  cleave  unto  me.”3° 
This  chastisement  consisted  partly  in  imposing  upon 
Caro  a number  of  regulations  of  an  ascetic  nature. 
He  is  bidden  to  fast  on  various  occasions,  and  even  on 
ordinary  days  his  menu  is  prescribed  for  him,  reduced 
to  a minimum.  He  must  not  fully  satisfy  his  desire 
for  food  and  drink,  not  even  in  the  first  meal  after  a 
day  of  fasting. 31  Of  course,  he  must  not  indulge  in 


2l6 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


much  wine,  but  he  is  at  the  same  time  rebuked  by  his 
Mentor-Angel  for  having  allowed  himself  to  be  filled 
with  water. 32  He  is  likewise  warned  against  too  much 
sleep,  and  when  he  married  one  of  his  daughters  and, 
according  to  custom,  spent  much  time  at  the  banquet, 
so  that  he  went  to  bed  late  and  got  up  just  one  hour 
after  the  breaking  of  dawn,  he  was  reproved  for  his 
slothful  behaviour,  and  the  Mentor-Angel  tells  him 
that  it  would  only  serve  him  right  were  he  to  abandon 
him,  seeing  that  he  separated  his  heart  from  the  Torah 
for  so  long  a time. 33  On  another  occasion,  when 
Caro  went  to  market  to  buy  meat  and  poultry  for 
Sabbath  and  failed  in  his  errand,  the  Mentor-Angel 
declared  himself  responsible  for  this  failure,  proceeding 
to  say  that  he  wanted  to  show  Caro  that  meat  and  wine 
are  the  habitation  of  the  Evil  One,  that  the  Sabbath 
can  be  honoured  without  such  luxuries,  and  concluding 
his  admonition  with  the  words,  “Think  about  nothing 
but  the  Law  of  the  Lord;  thou  art  strictly  observed 
in  all  thy  actions,  hence,  be  careful.”34 

Other  instructions  worth  mentioning  here  are  these  : 
Be  exceedingly  lowly  in  spirit. — Never  be  betrayed 
into  anger,  not  even  in  matters  relating  to  Heaven. — 
Be  chaste  in  thy  behaviour. — Have  always  thy  sins 
before  thine  eyes,  and  mourn  over  them. — Never 
speak  an  idle  word. — Give  a mild  answer  to  every 
man. — Never  indulge  in  laughter  and  in  scoffing. — 
When  thou  readest  the  Shema,  let  thy  thoughts  be  so 
single-minded  that  they  become  the  seat  of  the  Divine 
Presence.35 


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217 


He  is  also  reminded  by  the  Mentor-Angel  of  the 
necessity  of  reading  devotional  books,-  among  these 
the  abridged  version  of  Bachye’s  “Duties  of  the 
Heart”  is  especially  recommended.36  He  is  further 
bidden  by  the  Mentor-Angel  to  devote  himself 
more  diligently  to  the  study  of  the  Cabbala,  which 
Caro  seems  to  have  neglected  for  a long  time.  “ If 
thou  wilt  have  appointed  times  for  the  acquisition  of 
the  knowledge  of  the  Cabbala,  I will  open  thy  heart 
so  that  thou  shalt  receive  the  most  hidden  secrets 
unrevealed  to  man  for  many  years.”37 

The  Mentor-Angel,  however,  was  not  always 
severe.  His  motherly  ways  are  not  limited  to  chas- 
tisement. Thus  he  once  began  his  address,  “ Behold, 
I kiss  thee  the  kiss  of  love ; behold,  I embrace  thee.”  38 
Nor  does  he  confine  himself  to  rebukes  and  strictures. 
He  also  holds  out  hopes  and  promises.  These  give 
us  a fair  insight  into  Caro’s  aspirations  as  a scholar 
and  a saint.  They  may,  perhaps,  be  summed  up  in 
the  following  three  points. 

The  first  aspiration  was  that  the  books  with 
which  Caro  happened  to  be  occupied,  especially  the 
Beth  Joseph , should  be  free  from  error,  and  after  pub- 
lication accepted  as  standard  works  all  over  the 
Dispersion,  whilst  he  himself  should  be  recognised  as 
an  authority  of  the  first  rank.39  There  is  a human 
touch  in  the  fact,  that  notwithstanding  this  anxiety 
Caro  regards  it  as  a joyful  message  when  his  Mentor- 
Angel  tells  him  that  he  will  be  blessed  with  a son 
who,  besides  being  one  of  the  greatest  mystics  of  the 


218 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


time,  will  also  write  strictures  on  his  father’s  works.40 
Caro  was  especially  anxious  for  the  privilege  of 
spreading  Torah  in  Israel,  and  had  the  repeated 
promise  from  his  Mentor-Angel  that  he  would  be 
worthy  of  presiding  over  the  greatest  gathering  of 
disciples  in  Israel,  and  that  he  would  also  receive 
sufficient  material  support  for  his  college  to  enable 
his  disciples  to  devote  themselves  entirely  to  the  study 
of  the  Torah.41 

As  a mystic,  all  things  on  earth  are  to  Caro  only 
a reflex  of  some  original  in  heaven,  and  thus  in  his 
capacity  as  the  master  of  the  greatest  Torah-school 
here  below,  he  is  brought  into  communion  with  its 
prototype  in  the  regions  above.  It  is  from  there 
that  his  Mentor-Angel  often  brings  him  greetings  in 
the  typical  expression,  “Peace  from  the  College  of 
Heaven.”42  Sometimes  the  greeting  begins  with  the 
words,  “Behold  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  and  all 
the  sons  of  the  (heavenly)  college,  send  unto  thee 
peace,  and  are  opening  unto  thee  the  gates  of  light.”  43 
Occasionally  these  greetings  drift  off  into  a string  of 
solemn  promises  of  the  bliss  and  reward  awaiting 
Caro  in  the  world  to  come,  where  he  will  associate 
with  all  the  heavenly  hosts  and  the  souls  of  the 
departed  saints  and  scholars  whose  interpreter  he  was 
in  this  world.44  It  is  interesting  to  see  how  the  Men- 
tor-Angel, with  pedagogical  insight,  uses  these  very 
promises  for  a moral  lesson.  For  instance,  in  one 
place  where  he  gives  him  a full  description  of  the 
glorious  reception  with  which  he  will  meet  in  the 


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219 


circle  of  the  righteous,  headed  by  the  Divine  Presence, 
and  the  fetes  which  will  be  given  in  his  honour,  he 
winds  up  with  the  words  : “ Beloved,  the  Holy  One  and 
all  the  members  of  the  Heavenly  Academy  send  me  to 
make  thee  acquainted  with  this  secret,  in  order  that  thou 
mayest  see  thyself  in  this  high  degree,  and  thus  thou  wilt 
never  come  into  the  power  of  sin,  not  even  by  an  evil 
thought.  Should  temptation  become  overpowering, 
rebuke  it  and  say,  ‘ Shall  a man  like  me,  whose  future 
is  meant  for  such  glories,  allow  himself  to  sin,  be  it 
even  only  by  an  evil  thought  ? ’ ” 45  This  is  indeed  one 
of  the  Mentor-Angel’s  pedagogical  tactics,  to  impress 
Caro  with  his  great  importance,  and  at  the  same  time 
show  what  duties  such  importance  involves.  By 
the  very  breath  of  his  mouth  when  occupied  with  the 
uttering  of  the  Mishnah,  Caro  creates  whole  hosts  of 
angels,  surrounding  him  as  a suite  surrounds  a king. 
Every  word  of  his,  every  thought,  creates  worlds  ; 
but  so  does  it  destroy  worlds  if  it  is  of  an  unworthy 
and  idle  nature.46 

The  second  aspiration  of  Caro  was  that  he  might 
be  worthy  to  settle  in  the  Holy  Land.47  This  is  a 
thought  which  probably  occupied  his  mind  for  many 
years  before  he  settled  in  Safed.  The  promise  to 
help  him  realise  that  wish  turns  up  again  and 
again  in  the  addresses  of  the  Mentor-Angel.  Solo- 
mon Alkabez,  in  the  letter  referred  to  above,  reports 
how  the  Mentor- Angel  said,  “ Lose  no  moment  to  go 
up  to  the  Holy  Land,  for  not  all  times  are  favourable. 
Regard  not  your  stuff  (i.  e.,  household  things)  ....  I 


220 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


will  maintain  thee.  ” It  would  seem  that  material 
considerations,  at  least  for  a time,  prevented  Caro  from 
accomplishing  the  wish  of  his  heart,  for  we  find  in 
another  place,  in  which  the  Angel  promises  him  that 
within  a year  he  will  be  in  Palestine,  he  says  to  him  : 
“ There  is  no  need  for  thee  to  trouble  thy  mind;  thou 
hast  wanted  nothing  these  last  forty  years,  and  thou 
wilt  never  know  want.  Thy  income  is  prepared  for 
thee.  Thou  hast  seen  this  very  moment  that  the 
Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  gave  thee  as  much  profit  in 
two  thousand  Zuz  as  in  five  thousand.”48  When  Caro 
tarries  too  long  on  his  way,  through  war  and  other 
causes,  the  Mentor-Angel  tells  him  that  he  may  stay 
in  certain  cities,  such  as  Salonica  and  others,  for  some 
time,  but  he  must  never  settle  anywhere  until  he  reaches 
the  Holy  Land.  Of  course,  with  this  aspiration  is 
also  connected  his  hope  that  he  will  be  worthy  of  be- 
coming the  head  of  the  Yeshibah  and  an  elder  of  the 
Holy  Land.49 

His  third  aspiration  was  that  he  should  die 
the  death  of  a martyr  at  the  stake.  This  is  a 
wish  which  Caro  cherished  when  he  was  still  in 
Nicopolis,  and  which  mingled  with  his  dreams 
throughout  his  entire  life.50  Caro  assures  us  that 
in  visions  without  number  he  received  the  promise 
that  he  would  be  worthy  to  be  burned  for  the 
sanctification  of  the  Holy  Name, 51  so  that  every 
taint  of  sin  which  may  have  cleaved  unto  him  in  his 
passage  through  this  world  would  be  removed,  and  his 
soul  cleansed,  and  thus  reach  the  degree  of  the  holy 


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and  pure  ones.  Here  again  the  Mentor-Angel 
employs  this  dearest  wish  of  Caro’s  heart  for  his 
pedagogical  purposes,  as  when  he  tells  him  “Behold, 
I have  singled  thee  out  to  be  a burnt-offering,  to  be 
consumed  in  fire  for  the  sake  of  the  sanctification  of 
the  Name,  but  thou  knowest  that  in  the  burnt-offering 
no  blemish  may  be  found,  not  even  in  thought. 
Hence,  take  care  that  all  thy  thoughts  are  absorbed 
by  the  Torah.”  S2  On  the  whole,  the  promises  of  the 
Mentor- Angel  were  fairly  kept,  except  this.  Turkey 
was  perhaps  at  no  time  the  country  in  which  the 
crown  of  martyrdom  could  be  easily  gained.  For 
this,  one  had  to  go  to  the  lands  of  Christendom, 
where  love  was  preached  and  murder  acted.  Caro 
showed  no  particular  desire  to  return  to  Europe.  In 
this  connexion  it  is  rather  interesting  to  note  that 
Caro  was  not  quite  free  from  anxiety,  for  he  found  it 
worth  his  while  to  write  down  the  following  apparently 
good  message  of  his  Mentor-Angel : During  the 
afternoon  prayer,  when  the  reader  was  chanting  the 
portion  from  the  scroll  of  the  Law,  I was  told,  “Know, 
my  beloved  and  dear  Joseph,  that  the  Sultan  will  win 
the  battle  in  which  he  is  now  engaged  against  the 
King  of  Edom.”  53 

The  Maggid  Mesharim  occasionally  contains  refer- 
ences to  different  personages  mentioned  in  Caro’s 
other  works.  But  whilst  in  these  latter  they  are  cited 
with  their  proper  titles,  as  “ Rabbi,”  “ Master,”  or  “the 
great  Rabbi ,”  in  the  Maggid  Mesharim,  as  befitting  a 
production  of  an  angelic  being,  this  official  stiffness  dis- 


222 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


appears.  Titles  are,  for  the  most  part,  dropped,  and 
they  are  introduced  with  such  endearing  epithets 
as  “my  chosen  Moses”  (Maimonides),  “ my  saintly 
Asher”  (Rosh),  “my  God-fearing  Jonah”  (Rabbenu 
Jonah),  “ my  dear  Jacob  ” (Jacob  ben  Asher,  the  author 
of  the  Turim ),  “ my  modest  Jeruham  ” (author  of  a 
well-known  code  of  the  Rabbinic  Law).  But  the 
name  which  occurs  most  frequently  is  that  of  “my 
chosen  Solomon.”  54  This  name  is  at  most  times  used 
for  Solomon  Molko,  but  it  is  not  impossible  that  in 
one  or  two  places  it  refers  to  Solomon  Alkabez,  two 
beautiful  souls  who  seem  to  have  been  the  especial 
favourites  of  Caro.55 

We  must  digress  for  a moment  from  Caro  himself 
to  consider  the  career  of  these  two  worthies.  Solo- 
mon Molko  deserves  a monograph  to  himself.  He 
would  best  form  the  subject  of  a great  historical 
novel.  If  our  novelists  were  somewhat  less  of  realists, 
and  would  stop  their  eternal  harping  on  the  problem 
of  mixed  marriages,  which  is  certainly  no  problem  to 
those  who  begin  to  consider  it  in  the  light  of  a problem, 
and  if  they  further  possessed  something  of  the  sympa- 
thetic intuition  of  a Disraeli  and  the  artistic  insight  into 
the  past  of  a Sir  Walter  Scott  or  Charles  Reade,  they 
would  find  Molko  the  hero  of  one  of  the  greatest 
historical  romances  ever  written.  For  our  purpose  of 
presenting  the  friend  of  Caro  a few  data  must  suffice.56 

Solomon  Molko  was  born  in  Portugal  about  the 
year  1501,  as  a crypto-Jew,  or  Marrano,  where  he 


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received  the  name  Diogo  Pires.  He  was  endowed 
with  all  the  graces  of  Nature  calculated  to  make  his 
personality  both  pleasing  and  impressive.  He  enjoyed 
an  excellent  education,  and  at  an  early  age  he  was  able 
to  speak  and  write  Latin,  the  learned  language  of  the 
time.  Like  so  many  other  Marranos,  he  received,  in 
secret,  instruction  in  Hebrew  subjects,  such  as  the 
Bible  and  the  Talmud,  and  even  the  Cabbala,  in  which 
branches  of  study  he  acquired  great  proficiency.  His 
various  accomplishments  secured  for  him  rapid  advance- 
ment in  official  circles.  He  was  very  young  when  he 
was  appointed  secretary  at  one  of  the  high  courts  of 
justice  in  Lisbon.  He  was  also  a great  favourite  at 
the  Court.  But  neither  the  duties  of  his  office  nor 
the  diversions  of  Court  life  were  sufficient  to  fill  the 
vacuum  he  felt  under  the  false  life  he  led.  His  thoughts 
and  his  heart  were  with  Judaism,  over  whose  destiny 
and  his  part  in  it  he  constantly  brooded.  This  brooding 
soon  resulted  in  all  sorts  of  visions  and  wild  dreams, 
which  visited  him  day  and  night.  At  the  first  impulse, 
supposed  to  have  been  given  him  by  the  famous 
adventurer  David  Reubeni,  who  was  then  travelling 
in  Europe  in  the  questionable  capacity  of  an  ambassador 
of  the  lost  Ten  Tribes,  he  was  initiated  into  the 
covenant  of  Abraham,  and  became  a Jew.  This 
occurred  about  the  year  1523.  He  then  entered  upon 
a course  of  ascetic  practices,  fasting  for  many  days 
without  interruption,  depriving  himself  of  sleep,  and 
spending  his  time  in  prayer  and  meditation,  which  was 
naturally  followed  by  more  visions  of  an  apocalyptic 


224 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


nature.  The  visions  were  manifested  to  him,  as  in  the 
case  of  Caro,  by  a Maggid,  who  communed  with  him 
from  heaven  in  dreams.  In  obedience  to  the  command 
of  this  heavenly  messenger,  he  left  Portugal  for  Turkey, 
which  was  a safer  place  for  men  of  Molko’s  cast 
of  mind.  There,  as  it  would  seem,  he  spent  the  next 
five  or  six  years.  The  appearance  of  this  enthusiastic, 
handsome  young  mystic  made  a deep  impression 
upon  the  Jewish  communities  visited  by  him.  Molko 
probably  visited  also  Jerusalem  and  Safed  in 
Palestine.  There  is  no  positive  evidence  for  this  fact, 
but  it  is  hardly  possible  that  he  should  have  failed  to 
explore  the  places  which  he  saw  with  his  spiritual  eye 
in  his  mystic  moments.  Legend  reports  also  that 
even  after  his  death  he  would  pay  visits  to  his  fiancee 
in  Safed  on  every  Friday  evening,  reading  in  her 
presence  the  Sanctification-Benediction  over  the  cup  of 
wine  ( Kiddush ) with  which  the  Sabbath  is  initiated. 
This  would  doubtless  suggest  that  he  had  once  been 
at  this  place.57  The  end  of  the  year  1529  finds  him  at 
Ancona  in  Italy  where  he  preached  on  the  advent  of  the 
Messiah.  His  sermons  seem  to  have  made  a great  sen- 
sation, and  were  listened  to  by  large  crowds,  both  Jews 
and  Christians,  including  some  high  dignitaries  of  the 
church.  Some  time  after  this  he  repaired  to  Rome, 
in  which  city  he  had  again  all  sorts  of  visions  and 
dreams.  He  soon  gained  access  to  the  Pope,  Clement 
VII,  who  felt  rather  attracted  toward  him,  and  together 
with  certain  cardinals,  not  less  favourable  to  Molko  than 
the  Holy  Father  himself,  protected  him  against  the 


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22s 


dangers  threatening  him  from  the  Roman  police  as  a 
renegade  from  the  Christian  faith.  He  predicted  to 
the  Pope  the  flood  which  was  soon  to  come  upon 
Rome,  and  went  to  Venice  for  a time.  He  returned 
to  Rome  and  had  several  more  conferences  with  the 
Pope  and  other  high  personages,  all  the  time  preaching 
publicly  repentance  as  a preparation  for  the  approaching 
advent  of  the  Messiah,  in  which  he  was  to  play  a con- 
spicuous part,  either  as  the  forerunner  of  the  Messiah 
or  as  the  Messiah  ben  Joseph.  But  all  the  patronage 
he  had  did  not  protect  him  from  the  intrigues  of  his 
deadly  enemy,  the  Jewish  physician  Jacob  Mantino, 
who  is  not  to  be  held  entirely  guiltless  of  his  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor,  Charles  V.  The  latter, 
in  turn,  handed  him  over  to  the  Inquisition.  The  end 
was  that  Molko  was  burned  as  a heretic  in  Mantua,  in 
1532.  When  approaching  the  stake,  he  was  offered 
pardon  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor,  if  he  would  recant. 
Molko  replied  that  he  longed  for  the  death  of  a martyr, 
to  become  “a  burnt-offering  of  sweet  savour  unto  the 
Lord ; if  he  had  anything  to  repent  of,  it  was  that  he 
had  been  a Christian  in  his  youth.” 

Caro’s  acquaintance  with  Molko  must  have  been 
formed  either  in  Adrianople  or  in  Salonica,  both  of 
which  cities  were  visited  by  the  latter  during  his 
travels.  The  acquaintance  grew  into  a strong  attach- 
ment, at  least  on  the  part  of  Caro,  who  thought 
himself  indebted  to  Molko  for  certain  spiritual  influ- 
ences which  he  had  on  his  life.  Thus  said  the 
Mentor-Angel  to  Caro,  “God  brought  thee  together 


226 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


with  my  chosen  Solomon  to  see  whether  thou  wilt 
know  him,  and  it  was  a merit  (or  rather,  good  fortune) 
that  thou  didst  learn  to  know  him  and  also  didst  learn 
from  him  to  fear  me.”  s8  It  is,  however,  an  exaggera- 
tion to  think  that  it  was  Molko  who  converted  Caro 
to  his  belief  in  the  Cabbala,  or  that  it  was  the  martyr- 
death  of  Molko  that  incited  in  Caro  the  desire  to  end 
his  life  in  a similar  manner.  Cabbala  was  in  the  air  ; 
the  greatest  men  of  Israel  were  committed  to  it,  and 
it  required  no  special  agencies  to  make  Caro  one  of  its 
adherents.  The  fact  is,  that  Molko  was  lovable,  and 
Caro  loved  him.  That  the  tragic  death  of  Molko  made 
a deep  impression  upon  Caro,  and  mingled  with  his 
dreams  and  visions,  only  proves  that  the  legalistic 
studies  which  formed  the  main  occupation  of  Caro’s 
life,  do  not  incapacitate  a man  for  the  qualities  of 
admiration  and  love.  As  to  the  longing  of  Caro  for  the 
death  of  a martyr,  we  have  seen  that  he  had  the  privilege 
of  calls  from  the  Mentor- Angel  while  he  was  still  a 
resident  of  Nicopolis,  and  it  was  there  that  he  received 
the  promise  of  martyrdom  for  the  first  time  from  his 
heavenly  messenger.  This  occurred  about  1522,  long 
before  Caro  even  knew  of  the  existence  of  such  a 
person  as  Molko.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  martyrdom 
in  case  of  necessity  is  a regular  command,  forming  one 
of  the  six  hundred  and  thirteen  laws.  According  to 
some  authorities,  the  supreme  act  of  martyrdom,  like 
the  fulfilment  of  any  other  command  of  the  Law,  should 
be  preceded  by  a benediction,  namely,  “Blessed  art 
thou,  O Lord  our  God,  King  of  the  world,  who  hast 


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227 


sanctified  us  with  thy  commandments,  and  hast  bidden 
us  to  hallow  thy  Name  among  the  many.”  Now,  if 
we  consider  how  anxious  a legist  of  Caro’s  frame  of 
mind  must  have  been  to  fulfil  a commandment, — the 
characteristic  of  the  legalistic  saints  of  every  generation, 
— no  further  explanation  is  needed  for  Caro’s  longing 
for  martyrdom.  It  was  simply  his  desire  to  fulfil  a 
commandment  of  the  Torah.  As  one  of  the  saints 
expresses  it : If  the  Heavenly  Court  were  to  decree 
hell  punishment  against  him,  he  would  jump  into  the 
pit  with  all  his  might  and  without  a moment’s  delay, 
embracing  with  joy  the  opportunity  to  fulfil  a Divine 
command.59 

Much  less  is  known  of  the  life  of  the  second 
Solomon  - — Solomon  Halevi  Alkabez.  There  are  no 
records  enabling  us  to  determine  the  place  where  he  was 
born,  nor  the  dates  of  his  birth  and  death.  We  know, 
however,  that  he  flourished  about  the  first  half  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  that  he  was  the  disciple  of  Joseph 
Taytasak,  Rabbi  of  Salonica,  and  that  later  he  became 
the  master  and  brother-in-law  of  the  famous  Cabbalist 
Moses  Cordovero.  His  acquaintance  with  Caro 
probably  dates  from  the  third  decade  of  that  century, 
he  having  met  him  in  Salonica  or  Adrianople.  Alkabez 
was  a scholar  and  a poet.  Of  his  books  it  suffices  to 
mention  here  the  Manoth  ha-Levi  (Gifts  of  the  Levite), 
a homiletical  commentary  on  the  Book  of  Esther, 
in  which  he  showed  his  wide  acquaintance  with 
Rabbinic  literature,  having  had,  as  it  seems,  access 
to  manuscripts  which  he  very  judiciously  used  in  the 


228 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


said  work.  The  story  is  that  the  title  of  the  book  was 
suggested  by  the  fact  that  it  formed  a present  to  his 
fi/mcee  on  the  occasion  of  the  Purim  festival.  His 
father-in-law  and  the  girl,  the  tradition  is,  were  more 
pleased  with  this  gift  than  with  costly  jewelry,  which 
young  men  were  then  in  the  habit  of  sending  to  their 
sweethearts  on  the  day  of  Purim.  But  he  is  best 
known  by  his  poem,  Lechah  Dodi,  “ Come,  my  Be- 
loved, etc.,”  with  which  he  and  his  friends  used  to 
receive  Queen  Sabbath.  The  Sabbath  was  to  him  a 
living  reality  to  be  welcomed  after  a six  days’  ab- 
sence with  that  expectant  joy  and  impatient  love 
with  which  the  groom  meets  his  bride.  It  is  perhaps 
one  of  the  finest  pieces  of  religious  poetry  in  existence, 
and  has  been  translated  by  Herder  and  by  Heine  into 
German.  Catholic  Israel,  whose  love  for  Bride  Sabbath 
and  whose  hope  for  final  redemption  it  echoed  so  well, 
soon  honoured  Alkabez’  poem  with  a prominent  place 
in  almost  all  its  rituals ; and  the  Lechah  Dodi  is  now 
sung  all  over  the  world  on  Sabbath  eve,  when  Queen 
Sabbath  holds  her  levee  in  the  tents  of  Jacob.60 

To  return  to  Caro  and  Safed  : When  Caro  arrived  in 
Palestine,  which  could  not  well  have  been  earlier  than 
after  the  middle  of  the  year  1536,  Safed  was  already 
grown  to  the  size  of  one  thousand  Jewish  families. 
The  additions  to  the  community  were  mostly  made 
up  of  Spanish  and  Portuguese  exiles,  who  were 
soon  in  a position  to  build  a second  synagogue 
for  the  purpose  of  accommodating  their  newly- 


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229 


arrived  countrymen. 61  Their  numbers  were  so 
increased  that  they  considered  themselves  strong 
enough  to  attempt  to  force  their  special  usages 
with  regard  to  the  regulating  of  dowries  upon  other 
sections  of  the  community.  The  Spanish  language, 
the  vernacular  of  the  Sephardim,  became  soon  the 
teaching  medium  in  the  schools,  suppressing  all  other 
languages.62  They  quickly  won,  both  by  their  numbers 
and  by  the  distinction  of  their  leaders,  such  an  ex- 
ceptional position  that  we  find  men  of  importance  and 
standing  among  the  native  Jewish  population  vain 
enough  to  call  themselves  Sephardim,  the  name  com- 
mon to  Jews  hailing  from  Spain  and  Portugal.63  There 
is  reason  to  believe  that  at  this  time  also  a German 
Jewish  community  was  established  in  Safed,  perhaps 
presided  over  by  the  father-in-law  of  Caro.  We  have 
furthermore  references  to  a Portuguese  synagogue,  an 
Italian  synagogue,  and  a Greek  synagogue,  dating  from 
about  the  same  time.64  The  constitution  of  these 
communities  seems  to  have  been  strictly  autonomous, 
each  community  having  its  own  synagogue,  its  own 
preacher,  and  its  own  Yeshibah.  They  were  even,  to 
a certain  extent,  jealous  of  every  outside  interference^ 
and  it  was  expected  that  each  new  arrival  would  join 
the  congregation  composed  of  his  own  fellow-country- 
men.65 On  the  other  hand,  there  is  evidence  that  they 
had  a Beth  ha-  Wa’ad  (meeting  house),  forming  a sort 
of  general  board  consisting  of  the  Rabbis  of  the 
various  synagogues,  to  which  occasionally  Rabbis 
attached  to  no  congregation  in  particular  were  invited. 


230 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


This  board  probably  dealt  only  with  matters  of  grave 
importance  and  of  general  interest.66 

The  means  of  gaining  a livelihood  were  various. 
The  natives,  or,  as  they  were  called,  the  Moriscos, 
were  probably  still  engaged  in  peddling,  as  their 
ancestors  had  been.67  There  is  also  evidence  that  they 
cultivated  the  ground  in  the  neighbouring  villages, 
producing  wheat,  barley,  beans,  cotton,  oil,  wine,  and 
figs.  Those,  again,  who  possessed  some  capital, 
which  was  probably  the  case  with  many  of  the  Spanish 
immigrants,  were  engaged  in  trading,  exporting  grain, 
wine,  and  oil  to  Damascus  and  other  places,  and  import- 
ing from  there  articles  for  which  there  was  a demand  in 
Safed.68  There  also  grew  up  in  Safed  a large  trade  in  the 
weaving  of  wool  and  in  the  manufacturing  of  clothes; 
these  trades  were  entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  Jews.69 
Indeed,  R.  Levi  ben  Chabib,  of  whom  I shall  speak 
presently,  sarcastically  asks  whether  it  was  because  of 
the  large  quantity  of  clothes  manufactured  there  that 
Safed  arrogated  to  itself  the  leadership  of  Judaism.70 
Wealthy  Jews  in  Constantinople  and  in  Damascus 
would,  as  it  seems,  send  ships  laden  with  wool  to 
Safed  for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  the  wool  industry 
there  and  giving  employment  to  those  engaged  in  it. 
About  the  year  1600,  such  a ship,  containing  wool  to  the 
value  of  nearly  100,000  Keseph  and  10,000  Keseph  in 
cash  for  the  desperate  poor,  was  wrecked  on  its  voyage, 
which  caused  distress  in  Safed.71  There  was  also  in 
Safed  a great  demand  for  such  artisans  as  weavers, 
smiths,  tailors,  tanners,  wood-workers,  and  builders. 


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231 


There  was  probably  also  some  demand  for  men  con- 
nected with  the  printing  trade,  which  was  established 
in  Safed  about  the  year  1653  by  two  German  Jews. 
The  first  book  printed  there  was  the  commentary  of 
R.  Moses  Alsheich  to  Daniel,  and  was  followed  by 
several  other  works.  “ The  print  of  these  books  is 
excellent,  and  testifies  to  the  good  taste  and  the 
prosperity  of  the  Safed  community  at  that  time.”72 
The  only  profession  for  which  there  was  not  any  room 
in  Safed  was  that  of  teacher,  since  the  community 
was,  we  are  told,  sufficiently  provided  with  schools 
and  instructors.  Nor  was  there  any  place  for  servants, 
as  everybody,  as  we  have  seen,  attended  to  his  own 
domestic  work.73  The  prosperity  was  so  great 
that  they  were  envied  for  it  by  their  brethren  abroad. 
Thus  a Roman  Jew  writes  in  1543,  “The  good 
message  has  come  from  the  land  of  Desire  (Palestine) 
that  the  Lord  remembered  his  people  and  his  land 
and  the  Children  of  Israel,  granting  to  them  wealth 
and  honour  in  most  trades.”74 

However,  men  did  not  settle  in  Palestine  for  the 
purpose  of  developing  the  natural  resources  of  the 
country.  What  led  them  there  was,  as  indicated 
above,  the  spiritual  wealth  which  the  Holy  Land  alone 
could  afford.  In  such  wealth,  Safed,  at  this  period, 
was  particularly  rich.  I have  already  mentioned  the 
letter  of  Shlomel,  with  its  reference  to  the  population 
of  Safed  and  the  various  Talmudical  colleges  main- 
tained there.”  Though  Shlomel  writes  at  the 
beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  there  is  nothing 


232 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


to  indicate  that  the  last  decades  of  the  sixteenth 
century  witnessed  a particular  increase  of  immigration 
out  of  proportion  to  that  of  the  preceding  decades. 
Indeed,  we  shall  see  later  on  that  in  his  time  the  glory 
of  Safed  was  already  on  the  wane.  We  have  the  right 
to  assume  that  the  number  of  Rabbis  of  the  sixteenth 
century  was  at  least  not  smaller  than  that  of  the 
seventeenth.  Shlomel’s  statistics  are,  of  course,  like 
all  statistics,  not  very  reliable;  indeed,  the  number 
three  hundred  occurs  too  frequently  in  the  letters 
relating  to  Safed.  It  has  also  to  be  pointed  out  that 
the  term  “ Rabbi”  with  Shlomel  does  not  exactly  mean 
the  officiating  minister,  but  simply  a man  who,  both  on 
account  of  his  learning  and  his  saintly  life, — two  indispen- 
sable qualifications  for  a Rabbi  in  olden  times, — might 
easily  perform  the  functions  of  a Rabbi.  Still,  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  no  place  in  Jewish  history  since  the 
destruction  of  the  Holy  Temple  could  point  to  so 
brilliant  a gathering  of  men,  so  great  in  their  respective 
branches,  so  diversified  in  the  objects  of  their  study, 
and  so  united  by  the  dominant  thought  of  religion,  as 
were  attracted  to  Safed  during  the  greater  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century. 

The  fame  of  the  “saints  and  men  of  action”  must 
have  spread  “ outside  of  the  land  ” early  in  the 
sixteenth  century,  and  it  was  probably  the  desire  for 
their  society  which  determined  Caro  in  his  choice  of 
Safed.  For  such  was  the  promise  given  him  by 
the  Mentor- Angel  .-  “I  will  give  thee  places  to  walk 
among  these  that  stand  by”  (Zech.  3 : 7),  “making 


SAFED 


233 


thee  worthy  to  go  up  to  the  land  of  Israel  and  join 
there  my  beloved  Solomon  and  the  Associates  to 
learn  and  to  teach.”76 

The  most  prominent  among  these  was  doubtless 
R.  Jacob  Berab.  77  Berab,  who  was  an  emigrant 
from  Castile,  Spain,  and  held  the  office  of  Rabbi  in 
various  Jewish  communities,  settled  in  Safed  about 
the  year  1535,  where  he  soon  became  the  recognised 
head  of  the  Jewish  community,  which  consisted  at  that 
time  of  at  least  seven  congregations.  It  seems  that 
he  gathered  around  him  some  of  the  best  minds  of 
Safed,  who  acknowledged  themselves  as  his  disciples. 
Caro  himself  recognised  him  as  an  authority,  quoting 
him  as  a rule  with  the  epithet  “ our  great  master.” 
Berab  has  left  us  a volume  of  Responsa,  to  which  are 
appended  commentaries  on  certain  portions  of  the 
Talmud,  but  he  is  best  known  to  history  by  his 
unsuccessful  efforts  to  re-introduce  the  institution  of 
“Ordination”  ( Semichah ) among  the  Jews.  This  at- 
tempt was  made  in  the  year  1538,  and  bears  evidence 
to  the  high  position  held  in  Jewry  by  the  sages  of 
Safed,  both  by  their  numbers  and  by  the  weight  of 
their  great  learning : this  fact  alone  could  have  em- 
boldened Berab  and  his  friends  to  embark  upon  their 
daring  enterprise.78  Ordination,  as  they  intended  it, 
was  not  the  mere  ceremonious  laying  on  of  hands  in 
connexion  with  a candidate  for  Rabbinical  office  with 
some  solemn  speech  attendant  thereon.  What  Berab 
aimed  at,  was  the  re-establishment  of  the  body  of  the 
Sanhedrin  (that  could  exist  only  in  Palestine),  which 


234 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


would  wield  supreme  authority  over  the  whole  of 
Israel  in  various  ways,  thus  forming  a new  Jewish 
spiritual  centre.  His  great  opponent  in  this  matter 
was  R.  Levi  ben  Chabib,  a former  resident  of  Safed, 
living  then  at  Jerusalem. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  enter  into  the  arguments  of 
both  sides,  which  both  parties  drew  from  the  Talmud. 
There  may  have  been  also  some  petty  personal 
jealousies;  some  of  the  arguments  are  certainly  of  a 
rather  petty  character,  particularly  on  Berab’s  side. 
Berab  was  something  of  what  we  might  call  a strong 
man,  of  strenuous  tendencies,  and  his  treatment  of 
Ben  Chabib  was  by  no  means  tender.  But  there  is 
no  doubt  that  Berab’s  aspirations  were  of  great  national 
importance,  and  if  realised  would  have  served  to 
strengthen  the  bonds  of  union  in  Israel.  The  scholars 
of  Safed  worked  in  harmony  with  Berab,  twenty-five 
of  their  number  signing  the  epistle  sent  to  the  sages 
of  Jerusalem  that  contained  the  resolution  of  the 
former  to  re-introduce  Ordination.  The  resolution 
was  soon  translated  into  action,  Berab  ordaining  four 
elders,  representing  the  flower  of  Safed’s  scholarship.79 
Caro,  who  was  one  of  the  four,  and  apparently  figured 
also  among  the  signatories  of  the  correspondence 
with  Jerusalem,  is  especially  complimented  by  his  Men- 
tor-Angel for  the  zeal  shown  by  him  for  the  great  cause. 
He  must  also  have  entertained  the  hope  that  he  might 
succeed  one  day  where  Berab  had  failed ; at  least,  he 
received  the  heavenly  promise  that  he  would  be  the 
instrument  through  which  Ordination  should  be 


SAFED 


235 


restored.80  This  is  another  of  the  Mentor-Angel’s 
unfulfilled  prophecies. 

The  excitement  of  the  Ordination  controversy 
subsided  with  the  death  of  Berab,  which  occurred 
shortly  after  1 540.  Caro,  who  devoted  his  time  to 
lecturing  to  his  disciples,  writing  his  books,  and 
attending  to  social  work,  or,  as  it  is  usually  called 
in  Hebrew  literature,  the  “ needs  of  the  congregation,” 
was  constantly  growing  in  influence  and  authority. 
He  apparently  felt  trouble  in  his  mind  about  this 
interference  with  his  studies,  for  we  find  that  the 
Mentor- Angel  has  to  comfort  him  and  make  it  clear 
that  the  social  work  in  which  he  was  engaged  was  also 
a part  of  his  duties,  which  he  had  no  right  to  ignore.81 

His  most  formidable  rival  was  R.  Moses  ben  Joseph 
Trani,  who  settled  in  Safed  in  the  year  1518,  and 
became  Rabbi  of  the  Spanish  congregation  Beth  Jacob, 
and  the  head  of  the  Yeshibah  connected  with  it,  in 
1521,  which  offices  he  retained  until  his  death  in  I 580.82 
Like  Caro,  he  was  ordained  by  Berab,  to  whom  he 
stood  in  the  relation  of  a colleague-disciple,  and  he 
showed  even  more  zeal  for  the  honour  of  his  master 
than  Caro.  Indeed,  he  resents  in  one  place  the  in- 
difference of  Caro  to  the  attacks  made  on  Berab  in 
connexion  with  certain  legal  decisions.83  Trani  wrote 
several  works,  one  of  which  was  of  a semi-philosoph- 
ical nature  on  doctrinal  questions,  but  he  is  chiefly 
famous  for  the  collection  of  his  Responsa,  which 
show  him  to  have  been  a Talmudist  of  the  first  order 
and  regarded  as  such  by  his  contemporaries.  Though 


236 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


generally,  like  all  other  Rabbis  of  the  place,  confined  in 
his  jurisdiction  to  his  own  congregation,  he  seems  to 
have  been  regarded  by  the  whole  community  as  a 
specialist  in  real  estate  questions.  “I  have,”  he  says, 
“been  one  of  the  first  in  everything  relating  to  the 
holiness  of  the  land  in  the  city  of  Safed  since  the  year 
5335-  God  put  it  in  my  heart  to  build  up  the  deso- 
late places  thereof.  I have  watched  over  them  in 
most  of  their  building  enterprises,  that  no  man  should 
encroach  upon  the  property  of  his  neighbour,  and 
other  matters  relating  to  questions  of  surveying  and 
ancient  lights,  even  with  regard  to  the  synagogues 
which  were  built  all  these  years,  when  (the  worship- 
pers) coming  from  Turkey  and  other  places  divided 
according  to  their  languages.”  84 

Several  cases  occurred  in  which  Trani  had  the 
opportunity  to  clash  with  Caro’s  opinions ; the  most 
important  of  these  seems  to  have  been  one  in  connex- 
ion with  the  observance  of  the  Sabbatical  Year,  the 
laws  in  regard  to  which  were  not  considered  entirely 
obsolete  in  the  Holy  Land.  The  great  majority  of 
scholars,  however,  were  in  favour  of  Caro’s  opinion, 
to  enforce  it  as  the  norm  for  the  practice.85  This 
case  arose  in  the  year  1574,  a year  before  Caro’s  death, 
but  his  recognition  as  a master  of  the  Holy  Land  or, 
as  he  expressed  it  somewhere  else,  “the  great  codifier 
of  the  Holy  Land,”  came  long  before.  In  almost 
all  the  Opinions  of  that  generation,  Caro’s  signature 
appears  first,  and  his  Yeshibah  had,  according  to  tradi- 
tion, a seating  capacity  of  seven  hundred  students.86 


SAFED 


237 


This  is  probably  an  exaggeration,  but  the  attendance 
at  his  Yeshibah  was  undoubtedly  very  large,  and  in- 
cluded some  of  the  greatest  names  of  the  time.  As  one 
of  the  Safed  scholars  expressed  it,  “We  are  all  his  dis- 
ciples, drinking  his  waters,  and  bound  to  honour  him.” 87 
Among  these,  Cordovero  and  Alsheich  deserve  special 
mention,  both  because  of  their  connexion  with  the 
history  of  Safed  and  their  influence  on  posterity. 

R.  Moses  Cordovero  was  born  in  1522  and  died 
in  1570.  Little  is  known  about  his  private  life  except 
that  he  married  a sister  of  Solomon  Alkabez.  In 
Talmud  he  was  a disciple  of  Caro,  who  was  apparently 
very  proud  of  him  and  applied  to  him  the  verse,  “ My 
son,  if  thy  heart  be  wise,  my  heart  shall  rejoice,  even 
mine”  (Prov.  23:  15).  We  know  also  that  he  acted  as 
one  of  the  Dayanim  ( J udges)  of  Safed  and  had  a Y eshibah 
of  his  own.  A Responsum  of  his  incorporated  in  the 
Responsa  Collection  of  Caro,  testifies  to  his  ability  as 
a Rabbinical  scholar,  but  his  fame  rests  on  his  mystical 
work,  in  which  he  by  far  excelled  all  his  predecessors.88 
At  the  early  age  of  twenty,  the  Voice  warned  him  to 
“heal  the  altar  of  the  Lord  which  is  broken  down,” 
under  which  he  understood  his  neglect  of  a proper 
study  of  the  mysteries  of  the  Torah.89  The  “ healing” 
came  from  his  brother-in-law,  Alkabez,  in  whom  he 
perceived  a holy  angel  come  down  from  heaven,  and 
who  apparently  figured  at  that  period  as  the  leading 
Cabbalist  of  Safed.  Even  Caro  himself  did  not  hesitate 
to  seek  instruction  from  Alkabez  about  a certain 


238 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


obscure  passage  in  the  Zohar.9°  At  the  age  of  twenty- 
six  (1548),  we  find  Cordovero  in  the  company  of  the 
Associates  ( Chaberim ).  This  was  a society  consisting 
of  mystically-inclined  students  of  Safed,  apparently 
presided  over  by  Alkabez.  Very  little  has  come 
down  to  us  relative  to  the  activity  of  this  society, 
beyond  the  fact  that  its  members  used  occasionally  to 
undertake  excursions  to  visit  the  graves  of  the  ancient 
Rabbis  supposed  to  be  buried  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Safed,  on  which  occasions  they  would  discuss  mystical 
subjects.91  But  we  possess  in  manuscript  a list  of  moral 
precepts  drawn  up  by  Cordovero,  of  which  there  is  good 
reason  to  assume  that  they  were  not  meant  exclusively 
for  the  guidance  of  their  author,  but  formed  a sort  of 
hand-book  for  all  the  Associates.  The  following  ex- 
tracts will  convey  some  idea  of  the  frame  of  mind  and 
the  tender  conscience  > : these  men. 

They  are  bidden  not  to  divert  their  thoughts  from 
the  words  of  the  Torah  and  things  holy,  so  that  their 
hearts  become  the  abode  of  the  Shechinah;  not  to  be 
betrayed  into  anger,  as  anger  delivers  man  into  the 
power  of  sin ; not  to  speak  evil  of  any  creature, 
including  animals ; never  to  curse  any  being,  but  to 
accustom  oneself  to  bless  even  in  moments  of  anger ; 
never  to  take  an  oath,  even  on  the  truth  ; never  to 
speak  an  untruth  under  any  condition;  to  be  careful 
not  to  be  included  among  the  four  classes  excluded 
from  the  Divine  Presence,  namely,  the  hypocrites, 
the  liars,  the  scoffers,  and  the  tale-bearers  ; not  to 
indulge  in  banquets  except  on  religious  occasions. 


SAFED 


239 


They  are  enjoined  to  mingle  their  minds  with  the 
minds  of  their  fellow-men  (that  is,  not  to  stand  aloof 
from  the  world,  but  to  share  both  in  its  joys  and  in  its 
sorrows),  and  to  behave  in  a kindly  spirit  toward  their 
fellow-men,  even  though  they  be  transgressors ; to  meet 
with  one  of  the  Associates  for  one  or  two  hours  every 
day  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  matters  spiritual; 
to  talk  over  with  an  Associate  every  Friday  the  deeds 
accomplished  during  the  week,  and  then  set  out  for  the 
reception  of  Queen  Sabbath ; to  pronounce  Grace  in 
a loud  voice,  letter  by  letter  and  word  by  word,  so 
that  the  children  at  the  table  can  repeat  after  the 
reader;  to  confess  their  sins  before  every  meal  and 
before  going  to  sleep;  to  use  the  sacred  language 
when  speaking  with  the  Associates,  and  to  let  this  be 
always  the  language  of  conversation  on  Sabbath  with 
other  scholars  as  well.  In  another  set  of  precepts 
drawn  up  by  Alkabez,  dating  from  this  time  and 
probably  also  meant  for  the  guidance  of  these  Asso- 
ciates, we  have  the  ordinance  that  the  students  should 
rebuke  or  admonish  each  other,  but  the  person  ad- 
monished or  rebuked  must  not  make  any  reply  in  his 
defence  before  the  lapse  of  three  days.92 

The  most  prominent  among  those  for  whose  bene- 
fit these  regulations  were  composed  was  the  author 
himself,  Cordovero,  whose  interviews  with  Alkabez 
seem  to  have  been  more  frequent  and  of  a more  inti- 
mate nature  than  those  of  the  other  Associates.  At 
a later  period  the  relations  of  the  latter  to  their  master 
appear  to  have  been  almost  forgotten,  and  they  are 


240 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


quoted  as  the  Associates  of  Cordovero.  Indeed,  it 
would  seem  that  it  was  the  great  popularity  achieved 
by  the  works  of  Cordovero  that  is  responsible  for  the 
comparative  oblivion  into  which  the  mystical  writings 
of  Alkabez  fell,  so  that  the  greater  part  of  them 
remained  unpublished.93 

Cordovero’s  magnum  opus  is  the  Pardes  (the  Garden), 
the  clearest  and  most  rational  exposition  of  the  Cabbala 
in  existence,  distinguished  by  the  same  qualities  of 
methodical  thought  and  logical  argument  which  dis- 
tinguished Caro’s  works  in  the  department  of  things 
legal.  The  Pardes  gave  rise  to  a great  number  of 
works  written  by  various  mystics  in  Safed,  in  Italy,  and 
in  Germany.94  The  book  is  still  considered  a standard 
authority,  even  by  modern  scholars  who  have  ever 
written  anything  worth  reading  about  the  Cabbala. 
Cordovero  wrote  besides  this  many  other  works,  some 
of  which  are  extant  only  in  manuscript.  The  library  of 
the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary  of  America  possesses 
a fine  copy  of  his  famous  work  Alimah , known  from 
quotations  by  certain  mystics.  But  these  by  no  means 
fully  represent  his  literary  activity.  R.  Menahem 
Azariah,  of  Fano,  in  Italy,  one  of  the  greatest  of 
Cordovero’s  students,  states  that  the  Pardes,  in  itself 
a big  folio  volume,  forms  only  a thirtieth  part  of  the 
works  which  Cordovero  wrote,  not  counting  many 
additions,  appendixes,  and  a number  of  larger  and 
smaller  treatises  which  he  composed.95  His  master, 
Caro,  who  survived  him,  gave  the  funeral  oration  at 
his  death,  in  which  he  spoke  of  him  as  “the  Holy  Ark 


SAFED 


241 


of  the  Torah,  to  be  hidden  away  in  the  grave,”  whilst 
Loria  is  said  to  have  seen  two  pillars  of  fire  attending 
the  hearse,  a compliment  shown  by  Heaven  only  to 
one  or  two  men  in  a generation.  Loria  is  also 
reported  to  have  applied  to  him,  in  allusion  to  his 
name  (Moses),  the  well-known  phrase,  “Moses  is  true, 
and  his  teaching  is  true.”96 

The  second  of  the  disciples  of  Caro  deserving 
especial  mention  is  R.  Moses  Alsheich,  who  sur- 
vived his  master  for  many  years,  being  still  alive  in 
the  year  1593.  The  master  of  his  early  youth  was 
probably  Joseph  Taytasak.  We  possess  from  Al- 
sheich a volume  of  Responsa  in  which  his  opinions 
in  matters  of  the  law  were  solicited  by  various  Rabbis 
of  repute.  He  also  wrote  Talmudical  discourses 
and  a commentary  to  the  Midrash  Rabbah  lost  to  us. 
He  lectured  in  two  Yeshiboth  in  Safed  (which  Vital 
attended  in  the  capacity  of  a pupil),  and  performed 
all  the  other  functions  of  a Rabbi  of  that  time. 
He  is,  however,  best  known  by  his  homiletical  Com- 
mentary on  the  Bible,  which  was  studied  both  by 
preachers  and  laymen  for  centuries  afterward,  and  is 
still  popular  with  preachers  in  various  countries. 
This  Commentary  is  usually  cited  under  the  title, 
“ the  Holy  Alsheich.  ” Loria  gave  the  testimony 
that  most  of  his  interpretations  “hit  the  truth,” 
though  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Vital  he  did  not  admit 
him  into  his  mystical  circle.97 


242 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


Besides  these  and  other  Rabbis  known  more  or  less 
to  posterity,  we  have  in  the  contemporary  literature 
any  number  of  references  to  sages  and  saints  of  Safed 
flourishing  about  this  time,  in  addition  to  a goodly 
number  of  Rabbis  and  students  whose  spiritual  pedi- 
gree cannot  be  easily  determined.  The  influence  of 
these  scholars  was  not  confined  to  the  schools.  A 
religious  atmosphere  seems  to  have  pervaded  all 
classes  of  the  Jewish  population,  so  that  the  impression 
the  Safed  of  the  sixteenth  century  leaves  on  us  is  that 
of  a revival  camp  in  permanence,  constituted  of  peni- 
tents gathered  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  Life 
practically  meant  for  them  an  opportunity  for  worship, 
to  be  only  occasionally  interrupted  by  such  minor 
considerations  as  the  providing  of  a livelihood  for  their 
families  and  the  procuring  of  the  necessary  taxes  for 
the  government.  Prayer  was  the  main  and  universal 
occupation.  For  this  purpose  special  teachers  were 
appointed  to  instruct  women  and  children  in  the  liturgy 
and  in  the  prescribed  benedictions.98  But  the  regular 
order  of  the  service,  with  its  fixed  hours,  morning, 
afternoon,  and  evening,  did  not  satisfy  their  longing 
for  prayer.  For  them  the  day  began  in  the  middle 
of  the  night,  when  the  “learned”  and  the  “men  of 
action”  would  repair  to  the  synagogues  dressed  in 
black,  seating  themselves  upon  the  floor  and  reading  a 
special  liturgy,  the  burden  of  which  was  mourning 
over  the  destruction  of  the  Holy  Temple  and  the 
downfall  of  the  people  of  God,  and  which  concluded  with 
a confession  of  the  sins  of  Israel  delaying  the  redemp- 


SAFED 


243 


tion."  The  example  set  by  them  seems  soon  to  have  in- 
fected the  general  Jewish  public.  The  man  who  was 
especially  distinguished  for  his  religious  activity  among 
the  masses  was  the  mystic  R.  Abraham  Halevi  Beruchim. 
His  main  work  was  of  a missionary  nature.  He  was 
constantly  preaching  to  the  multitudes  and  exhorting 
Israel  to  repentance.  In  the  middle  of  the  night  he 
would  rise  and  walk  through  the  Jewish  quarter, 
exclaiming  in  tears,  “ My  brethren  of  the  House  of 
Israel ! Is  it  not  known  to  you  that  our  Strength, 
the  very  Divine  Presence,  is  in  exile  because  of  our 
sins;  that  our  Holy  Temple  is  laid  in  ashes,-  that 
Israel  is  subjected  to  the  most  bitter  persecutions, 
saintly  men  and  women  being  daily  martyred  by 
sword  and  by  fire.  . . .?  And  ye,  my  brethren,  allow 
yourselves  to  enjoy  your  sleep  on  your  beds  in  quiet 
and  rest.  Come,  my  brethren;  come,  my  friends! 
Rise,  ye  holy  children,  blessed  by  the  Lord,  and  let  us 
supplicate  the  Lord  our  God,  the  King  who  sitteth  on 
the  throne  of  Mercy.”  Thus  he  used  to  walk  about, 
knocking  on  the  doors,  giving  the  inhabitants  no  rest 
until  they  rose  and  went  to  their  places  of  worship,  so 
that  at  one  o’clock  in  the  morning  the  voice  of  prayer 
or  of  the  study  of  the  Torah  could  be  heard  from  all 
the  synagogues.  On  Friday  afternoon,  again,  he 
would  go  about  in  the  market-place,  in  the  high-roads, 
reminding  the  people  to  be  prompt  in  their  preparations 
for  the  coming  day,  so  that  they  might  not,  by  being 
late,  become  involved  in  the  sin  of  the  desecration  of 
the  Sabbath.100  The  eve  of  the  New  Moon  offered 


244 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


another  opportunity  for  an  additional  service,  when  all 
the  people  fasted,  and  “ men,  women,  and  students  ” 
would  spend  the  day  in  supplications,  confession  of 
sin,  and  in  various  ascetic  practices.  The  eve  of  the 
seventh  day  of  Passover,  of  the  first  day  of  the  Feast  of 
Weeks,  of  the  Day  of  Atonement,  and  of  the  seventh 
day  of  the  Tabernacle  Feast  were  also  distinguished  by 
special  readings  from  the  Scriptures  and  the  chanting 
of  hymns,  lasting  nearly  the  whole  of  the  night.101 

R.  Abraham  Halevi  was  probably  assisted  in  his 
missionary  work  by  certain  “saints  and  men  of  action  ’’ 
of  whom  it  is  reported  that  they  used,  on  certain 
occasions,  to  preach  on  the  subjects  of  meekness,  sin, 
and  repentance.  Possibly  they  were  members  of  the 
society  Tent  of  Peace  ( Succath  Shalom),  mentioned 
by  R.  Eliezer  Azkari,  for  which  he  wrote  his  devo- 
tional treatise,  Sepher  Charedim.  In  this  he  tried  to 
show  how  “ those  that  tremble  at  the  commandments 
of  our  God  ” (Ezra  io.-  3)  should  consecrate  the  whole 
of  man,  in  his  various  functions  and  different  occupa- 
tions, to  the  service  of  the  Lord.  The  thought 
absorbing  the  minds  of  the  “tremblers”  and  forming 
the  object  of  their  discussions  at  their  meetings,  was 
the  delay  of  the  advent  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  sins 
responsible  for  this  delay,  but  it  was  also  a part  of 
their  programme  to  cause  “the  many  to  turn  away  from 
sin  ’ ’ by  lectures  and  exhortations.  Like  the  Associates 
of  Cordovero,  the  members  of  this  society  were  also 
pledged  to  auricular  confession,  each  of  them  giving  at 
their  weekly  meetings  a full  and  detailed  account  of 


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his  actions  during  the  preceding  week.  The  necessity 
of  having  to  lay  bare  one’s  life  before  his  fellow-men, 
and  the  shame  following  upon  it  in  the  case  of  an 
unworthy  action  would,  so  they  thought,  prove  a 
preventive  against  sin.  It  should,  however,  be 
remarked  that  Vital,  notwithstanding  all  his  other 
vagaries  and  ascetic  tendencies,  protested  against  this 
institution,  and  declined  to  follow  his  friends  in  its 
practice.102 

Besides  the  Tent  of  Peace,  we  have  also  on  record 
the  existence  of  a Society  of  Penitents,  especially  dis- 
tinguished for  its  ascetic  practices,  which  were  of  a 
very  severe  nature.  Some  of  its  members,  we  are 
told,  refrained  from  food  and  drink  during  the  day, 
p:rformed  their  afternoon  devotions  in  tears,  and  put 
on  sackcloth  and  ashes.  Others,  again,  observed 
every  week  a fast  extending  over  two  or  three  days 
and  nights  in  succession.103  R.  Elijah  de  Vidas,  in  his 
attempt  to  show  how  much  one  can  accomplish  in 
the  ascetic  line,  points  with  evident  pride  to  these 
Penitents,  saying  : “ I saw  many  of  them  rise  in  the 
middle  of  the  night,  when  they  would  commence  to 
study,  which  occupied  them  until  the  morning,  and 
then  fast  the  whole  of  the  day.  All  this  they  were 
able  to  accomplish  by  special  Divine  aid,  for  man 
does  not  live  by  bread  alone.”  104  Of  the  Associates 
of  Cordovero  we  read  that  some  among  them  used  to 
observe  a fast  extending  over  three  or  four  days  and 
nights,  at  the  change  of  the  four  seasons  of  the  year. 
It  is  further  recorded  that  there  were  many  pious 


246 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


scholars  who  refrained  from  wine  and  meat  during 
week-days,  whilst  others  observed  on  certain  days  of 
the  year  the  same  laws  of  levitical  purity  in  respect  to 
their  food  as  the  priests  in  olden  times  when  eating 
the  heave-offering  and  other  sacrificial  pieces.105 

It  should,  however,  be  remarked  that  “doing  pen- 
ance” and  chastisement  of  the  flesh  were  not  considered 
by  them  as  synonymous  with  repentance.  Repentance 
meant  chiefly  the  absolute  determination  never  to  return 
to  sin  at  the  very  risk  of  one’s  life,  which  must  precede 
all  regeneration  of  the  heart.  As  Azkari  himself 
expresses  it,  “ Fasts  and  ascetic  practices  are  vanity 
and  the  work  of  error  without  this  preceding  resolu- 
tion,” and  he  goes  on  to  quote  his  contemporary, 
the  Saint  R.  Jacob  Gavinezo,  who  communicated  to 
him  the  fact  that  a man  committed  a most  atrocious 
crime  after  a continuous  fast  of  three  days.  Like  the 
sacrifice  in  the  Temple,  penance  is  only  of  value  when 
preceded  by  purification  of  the  heart,  humility,  and 
meekness.106 

It  is  hardly  needful  to  say  that  charity  formed  an 
important  item  in  the  Safed  scheme  of  salvation.  The 
injunction  of  the  mystic  is  to  give  alms  every  day 
according  to  one’s  means.107  This  injunction,  though 
originally  intended  for  a small  circle,  was  accepted  by 
the  general  public,  following  the  example  of  the  saints 
of  old,  who  used  always  to  make  some  donation  to 
the  poor  before  beginning  their  prayers.  The  custom 
in  Safed  was  to  make  a regular  collection  during  the 
morning  prayers  in  the  synagogues.  The  men,  how- 


SAFED 


247 


ever,  with  special  aspirations  to  saintliness  would  tax 
themselves  to  the  amount  of  twenty  per  cent  of  their 
income,  and  it  is  stated  that  even  among  the  poor 
there  were  persons  known  to  give  two  tithes.  Others, 
again,  would  adopt  boys  and  girls  early  orphaned, 
educating  them  in  their  own  families,  and  bringing 
them  into  the  holy  state  of  matrimony  when  they 
approached  the  marriageable  age. 108 

Yet  Safed  shows  certain  characteristics  of  its  own 
which  greatly  redeem  it  from  many  an  unpleasant 
feature  which  we  are  accustomed  to  associate  with  the 
modern  revival  camp.  It  is  true  that  the  strain  was 
great,  salvation  being  the  absorbing  topic  of  the 
community,  and  the  terror  of  sin  delaying  this  sal- 
vation ever  present.  No  opportunity  was  allowed  to 
pass  for  reminding  men  that  Zion  was  still  in  ruins, 
and  that  man  is  a sinful  creature  and  in  need  of  grace, 
hence  the  injunction  to  confess  sins  before  meals 
and  before  retiring  to  sleep,  whilst  the  137th  Psalm, 
“By  the  rivers  of  Babylon  we  sat,  etc.,”  was  added  to 
the  Grace  after  meals.  I05 

That  this  strain  should  produce  certain  psychologi- 
cal phenomena  more  interesting  to  the  pathologist 
than  to  the  theologian,  is  hardly  necessary  to  state. 
The  literature  of  the  time,  abounding  in  stories  of  all 
sorts  of  demoniacs,  bears  ample  evidence  to  this  fact.110 
We  also  have  stories  of  men  who  through  their 
importunate  storming  of  Heaven  for  Salvation  were, 
for  some  relapse  from  grace,  suddenly  hurled  down  to 
the  very  depths  of  hell,  and  doomed  to  perdition.  The 


248 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


most  tragic  among  these  is  the  story  of  Joseph  de  la 
Reina,  who  flourished  in  Safed  in  the  early  decades  of 
the  sixteenth  century.  De  la  Reina  is  a sort  of  Jewish 
Faust,  who,  in  his  passion  for  salvation,  did  not 
hesitate  to  employ  certain  exorcisms  and  conjurations 
of  a very  daring  nature.  He  succeeded  in  bringing 
the  Evil  One  into  his  power,  whose  destruction  is 
a preliminary  condition  to  the  advent  of  the  Messiah. 
But  in  an  unfortunate  moment  he  was  persuaded  to 
show  compassion  to  this  fallen  angel,  allowing  him  to 
smell  of  the  frankincense.  The  fiend  then  regained 
his  former  strength,  and  achieved  full  mastery  over  his 
captor,  who,  after  realising  his  fall,  abandoned  himself 
to  the  most  revolting  immoralities,  and  ended  his  life 
by  suicide.111 

In  spite  of  this  strain,  however,  with  all  its  hysteria 
and  its  dire  results  in  some  cases,  it  must  not  be 
thought  that  the  Safed  community  was  constantly  on 
the  mourning-bench  and  spent  all  its  vitality  in  groaning 
and  lamentations.  Cordovero  laid  down  the  rule  not  to 
indulge  in  pretentious  meals  except  on  religious 
occasions,  but  these  religious  occasions  were  happily 
not  infrequent,  and  the  people  were  apparently  not 
slow  to  avail  themselves  of  the  opportunities  given 
to  them.  The  Sabbath  was  such  an  opportunity, 
being  held  as  a day  of  joy  and  recreation  in  every 
respect,  physically  and  spiritually.  Fasting  was  not 
only  strictly  prohibited  on  the  Sabbath,  but  it  was 
considered  a religious  work  to  partake  of  three  meals, 
which,  Caro’s  Mentor-Angel  to  the  contrary  notwith- 


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249 


standing,  had  to  be  distinguished  by  certain  delicacies. 
Wine  also  was  served  at  these  meals,  which  even 
the  Penitents  would  drink.  The  meals  were  further 
distinguished  by  a special  set  of  hymns  sung  or 
chanted  during  the  intervals  between  the  various 
courses.112  The  prescribed  ritual,  again,  in  the 
synagogue  was  all  joy  and  promise,  containing  no 
confession  or  the  slightest  reference  to  anything  of  a 
despondent  nature.  Indeed,  the  Sabbath  should  give 
man  a foretaste  of  the  blissful  Messianic  times  when 
sin  and  sorrow  shall  have  disappeared  from  the 
world.113  Reluctant  to  part  with  these  hours  of  serene 
peace  and  unalloyed  joy,  and  anxious  to  prolong 
them  as  much  as  possible,  the  Sabbath  received  an 
extension  both  at  the  beginning  and  at  the  end.  Thus 
they  would,  early  Friday  afternoon,  dress  in  their  best 
clothes  and  set  out  in  groups  to  receive  Queen  Sabbath, 
with  song  and  praise,  reciting  certain  Psalms  and 
singing  certain  hymns  composed  for  the  occasion.  In 
like  manner,  they  would  refrain  from  work  for  several 
hours  after  the  Sabbath  sun  had  set,  and  spend  them 
in  chanting  hymns  and  in  feasting.  They  had  even  a 
special  society  whose  members  would  meet  to  spend 
the  end  of  the  Sabbath,  reaching  way  into  the  night, 
with  song  and  dance.  The  New  Moon  was  also 
observed  as  a partial  holiday,  affording  an  opportunity 
for  relaxation  and  enjoyment,  not  to  speak  of  festivals 
prescribed  in  the  Bible,  such  as  the  Passover,  the 
Pentecost,  and  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.114 

All  these  things  must  have  contributed  more  or 


250 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


less  toward  mitigating  the  evil  effects  of  an  exaggerated 
asceticism.  Nor  must  it  be  forgotten  that  joy  forms  a 
prominent  feature  in  the  programme  of  the  mystic.  His 
maxim  was  : the  Divine  light  reaching  man  through  the 
fulfilment  of  the  commandment  is  only  in  proportion 
to  the  joy  expressed  by  him  when  performing  a 
religious  action.115 

Moreover,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  Safed  was 
just  as  famous  for  its  scholarship  as  for  its  piety. 
Most  of  the  leaders  of  the  ascetic  and  mystical  move- 
ments were  at  the  same  time  distinguished  scholars. 
Ranting  in  such  intellectual  society  was  just  as 
much  out  of  place  as  idle  brooding  and  unprofitable 
gloom.  The  study  of  the  Torah,  to  which  they  were 
so  much  devoted,  was  always  considered  a joy,  and  the 
Safed  of  the  sixteenth  century  must  have  been  a 
veritable  Paradise  on  earth  to  any  man  with  a tendency 
toward  intellectual  pursuits.  If  his  interests  lay  in 
the  regions  of  the  visible,  he  would  attend  the  lectures 
of  Caro,  Trani,  or  Sagis,  and  various  other  Rabbis  at 
the  head  of  the  great  Yeshiboth  of  the  place.  If  he 
were  mystically  inclined,  he  would  attach  himself  to 
Alkabez  or  Cordovero ; if  he  had  a taste  for  homiletics, 
he  would  go  to  listen  to  the  Biblical  expositions  of 
Alsheich,  whilst  he  might  also  spare  an  hour  for  the 
lectures  of  R.  Samuel  de  Useda  on  the  Chapters  of  the 
Fathers  ( Pirke  Abotli),  whose  work  on  this  ethical 
tractate  is  still  considered  a standard  commentary. 
He  might  besides  this  pay  a visit  with  profit  to  the 
ancient  R.  David  ben  Zimra,  who,  though  at  the  period 


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251 


of  his  second  settlement  in  Safed,  he  must  already  have 
reached  the  age  of  ninety,  was  still  a member  of  the 
General  Board  mentioned  above,  and  interested  in  public 
affairs.  An  occasional  walk  with  Vital  might  also  have 
possessed  its  own  attractions,  for,  besides  being  an  adept 
in  the  Cabbala,  he  was,  like  so  many  devotees  of  nature- 
mysticism,  likewise  interested  in  alchemy,  astronomy, 
astrology,  magic,  and  all  kinds  of  occult  sciences.  In 
the  way  of  recreation  one  might  attend  recitals  of  the 
mystical  bard,  R.  Israel  Nagara,  the  author  of  the 
hymn  book  Zemiroth  Israel , who,  though  somewhat 
“vividly  erotic”  in  his  metaphors,  counted  angels 
among  his  auditors,  and  probably  came  often  to  Safed 
on  visits  to  his  father,  R.  Joseph  Nagara,  a famous 
scribe  of  that  city. 116 

Safed  reached  the  zenith  of  its  fame  with  the  advent 
of  Loria.117  R.  Isaac  Loria  was  born  in  Jerusalem  in  the 
year  1534.  He  was  a descendant  of  the  famous  German 
family  Loria,  on  account  of  which  fact  he  was  also 
called  Isaac  Ashkenazi.  It  is  not  impossible  that  his 
ancestors  came  from  the  Rhine  Provinces,  from  which 
most  of  the  earlier  scions  of  the  Loria  family  hailed. 
Elijah  Loanz  (flourished  about  the  end  of  the  sixteenth 
century),  who  claimed  some  relationship  with  our 
Loria,  was  a native  of  Frankfort.  One  branch  of  this 
family  settled  in  Poland,  whilst  the  other  seems  to 
have  emigrated  to  Palestine.  The  emigration  of 
German  Jews  to  Mohammedan  countries  was  by  no 
means  confined  to  this  case.  The  impulse  to  this 


252 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


expatriation  from  a land  in  which  they  had  lived 
for  many  centuries  and  in  which  they  had  almost 
the  claim  of  original  settlers,  came  from  the  Epistle 
of  a certain  Joseph  Zarphathi,  whom  fate  drove  from 
Germany  to  Turkey  in  his  early  youth.  In  this 
Epistle  he  described  “the  happy  lot  of  the  jews  under 
the  Crescent  as  compared  with  their  hard  fate  under 
the  shadow  of  the  Cross,”  and  called  upon  them  to 
escape  from  the  German  house  of  bondage  and 
emigrate  to  Turkey.  If  the  German  Jews,  he  said, 
could  realise  but  a tenth  part  of  the  prosperity  await- 
ing them  in  Turkey,  they  would  brave  rain  and 
snow,  and  would  rest  neither  by  day  nor  by  night 
before  reaching  there.  Another  inducement  that  he 
offered  them  was  that  there  is  a route  to  the  Holy 
Land  lying  open  to  them  through  Turkey.  Though 
distance  forbade  emigration  en  masse  from  Germany, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Zarphathi’s  Epistle  was 
not  quite  without  effect,  for  we  soon  find  small  con- 
gregations, both  in  Turkey  and  in  Palestine,  composed 
of  Jewish  emigrants  from  Germany.  The  Karaite 
Elijah  Bashiatsi,  of  Adrianople,  even  complained  of 
the  bad  influence  of  these  newly-arrived  Rabbinical 
students  from  Germany,  alarming  the  community  with 
their  fringes  and  phylacteries,  and  their  long  gowns 
and  their  hoods,  making  themselves  conspicuous  and 
overawing  the  crowds.”8 

The  birth  of  Loria  was,  as  in  the  case  of  so  many 
wonder-men,  heralded  to  his  father  by  the  prophet 
Elijah,  who  said  unto  him : “ . . . Be  it  known  unto 


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thee  that  the  Holy  One,  blessed  be  he,  sent  me  to 
bring  thee  the  good  message  that  thy  wife  will  bear 
thee  a son.  Thou  shalt  name  him  Isaac ; he  will 
deliver  Israel  from  the  power  of  the  Husks  (that  is,  the 
powers  of  evil  and  contamination  which  are  at  war  with 
the  powers  of  the  good  and  the  holy,  and  obscure 
them) ; and  he  will  redeem  many  souls  that  are  under- 
going the  agony  of  transmigration,  and  through  him 
shall  be  revealed  the  teaching  of  the  Cabbala  to  the 
world.”  He  was  further  bidden  not  to  begin  the 
initiation  of  his  son  into  the  covenant  of  Abraham 
until  aware  of  the  prophet’s  presence  in  the  synagogue. 
The  father  did  as  he  was  bidden,  and  the  boy  proved 
indeed  a wonder-child.  At  the  tender  age  of  eight 
he  was  considered  to  be  a marvel  of  Rabbinical  learn- 
ing, so  that  none  of  the  Jerusalem  scholars  could 
compete  with  him  in  a Talmudical  discussion.  Un- 
fortunately, the  father,  Solomon,  died  about  this  time, 
and  left  his  widow  in  such  needy  circumstances  that 
she  was  not  able  even  to  procure  the  necessary  books 
which  her  son  required  for  his  studies.  There  was 
nothing  left  for  them  to  do  but  emigrate  to  Cairo, 
where  her  brother,  the  wealthy  tax-farmer  Mordecai 
Francis,  resided.  Mordecai  received  them  kindly,  and 
made  generous  provision  for  his  sister  and  those 
dependent  upon  her.  Her  son  Loria  he  adopted  as 
his  own,  and  placed  him  under  the  care  of  R.  Bezaleel 
Ashkenazi,  the  famous  author  of  the  Shittah  Mekube- 
zeth,  under  whose  guidance  he  continued  his  Rabbinical 
studies  until  he  reached  the  age  of  fifteen,  when  he 


254 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


married  the  daughter  of  his  benefactor.11^  His  intro- 
duction to  the  teaching  of  the  Cabbala  followed 
some  two  years  later.  According  to  legend,  it  took 
place  in  the  following  way:  A stranger,  whose 
business  transactions  led  him  to  Cairo,  came  one  day 
to  perform  his  devotions  at  the  synagogue  in  which 
Loria  was  in  the  habit  of  worshipping.  It  so  happened 
that  he  took  his  seat  opposite  Loria  and  ostensibly 
began  to  read  his  prayers  from  a written  book  which 
he  held  in  his  hands.  Loria,  whose  curiosity  was 
evidently  aroused  by  the  sight  of  the  manuscript, 
managed  to  take  a glance  at  the  volume,  and  was 
surprised  to  see  that  its  contents  embodied  the  great 
mysteries  of  the  faith.  Whereupon  he  approached 
the  owner  of  the  book  and  questioned  him  as  to  his 
person  and  his  profession,  and  also  demanded  from  him 
some  information  as  to  the  contents  of  the  manu- 
script. The  owner,  who  felt  embarrassed  by  Loria’s 
importunate  questioning,  stated  finally  that  he  was  a 
mere  Marrano,  and  even  ignorant  of  the  Hebrew 
letters  of  the  Torah,  and  confessed  that  he  was 
only  simulating  the  reading  of  the  volume  in  his 
hands  out  of  sheer  shame  before  the  other  worship- 
pers, who  were  all  reading  their  prayers  from  the 
prayer-books  open  before  them.  Loria  then  began  to 
urge  him  to  sell  him  the  manuscript,  since  it  was  of  no 
real  value  to  its  owner.  This  request  was  at  first 
refused,  but  afterwards  our  Marrano  agreed  to  part 
with  his  treasure  on  condition  that  Loria  would 
employ  his  good  offices  with  his  father-in-law,  the 


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255 


tax-farmer,  to  have  the  duties  upon  the  wares  which 
he  was  about  to  import  to  Egypt  remitted  for  him. 

The  book,  as  it  seems,  proved  to  be  the  Book  of 
Splendour,  or  Sepher  ha-Zohar , ascribed  to  R.  Simon 
ben  Yochai,  of  the  second  century,  and  being,  as  is 
well  known,  the  main  classic  of  the  Cabbalists.  Loria 
then,  for  eight  years,  abandoned  himself  to  the  study 
of  the  Cabbala  with  all  the  energy  and  “fanatical 
enthusiasm”  of  which  he  was  capable.  The  principal 
subject  of  his  devotion  was  the  Zohar,  but  it  would 
seem  that  during  the  first  six  years  of  his  study  he 
did  not  always  succeed  in  divining  the  real  meaning 
of  its  supposed  author,  Simon  ben  Yochai.  However, 
he  received  indications  from  “heaven”  that  to  reach 
the  desired  end  it  would  be  necessary  for  him  to  sub- 
mit to  a more  austere  mode  of  living  than  had  been 
his  habit  until  then.  He  thereupon  retired  to  a certain 
village,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cairo,  which  belonged 
to  his  father-in-law,  where  he  built  for  himself  a cot- 
tage on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  Here  he  lived  during 
the  whole  week,  returning  to  his  family  in  the  city 
only  for  the  Sabbath.  The  other  six  days  were  spent 
in  strict  solitude,  and  in  fasting,  praying,  and  frequent 
ablutions,  beside  other  kinds  of  voluntary  self-chas- 
tisement. This  continued  for  two  years,  when  Loria, 
by  reason  of  his  holy  life  and  complete  absorption  in 
meditation  upon  the  holy  mysteries,  reached  the 
degree  of  being  worthy  of  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
as  well  as  of  having  communion  with  the  prophet  Elijah. 
Nothing  is  known  of  Loria’s  occupation  during  the 


256 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


next  eight  or  ten  years,  preceding  his  emigration  to 
Safed.  We  are  told  that  this  exodus  was  undertaken 
in  obedience  to  a distinct  command  from  Heaven, 
which  announced  to  him  that  his  tenure  of  life  would 
be  a short  one,  and  ordered  him,  among  other  things, 
to  leave  the  polluted  land  (Egypt)  and  go  up  to  Safed 
in  Upper  Galilee.120 

It  will  have  been  observed  that  no  mention  has  been 
made  of  Loria’s  master  in  the  department  in  which  he 
was  most  to  excel.  Legend,  which  has  served  us 
as  the  source  for  the  preceding  description,  is  quite 
silent  on  this  point.  Nor  was  there  any  real  need  for 
a master  in  human  shape.  For,  according  to  legend, 
it  was  the  prophet  Elijah  himself  who  performed  the 
functions  of  teacher  in  the  case  of  Loria.  It  is  further 
narrated  that  every  night  Loria’s  soul,  released  from 
all  earthly  ties,  would  ascend  to  heaven  in  the  com- 
pany of  the  “ ministering  angels,”  who  watched  over 
him  until  he  reached  the  abode  of  the  Celestials. 
Upon  his  arrival  there,  he  would  have  his  choice  of 
attending  any  of  the  super-mundane  academies,  in 
which  the  souls  of  departed  saints  and  great  sages 
continue  the  occupations  which  formed  their  moments 
of  bliss  in  the  course  of  their  earthly  careers.  But 
it  may  be  humbly  suggested  also  that  Loria  had, 
besides,  a very  fair  library,  in  which,  apart  from  the 
Zohar,  were  contained  the  works  of  various  mystics 
who  had  preceded  him.  We  know  that  he  occasion- 
ally referred  to  them,  assigning  to  each  his  proper 
place  in  the  chain  of  mystical  tradition.  It  is  also 


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257 


possible  that  in  the  beginning  he  may  have  received 
some  aid  from  R.  David  ben  Zimra,  at  that  time  the 
Chief  Rabbi  of  Cairo,  who  was  also  a great  Cabbalist ; 
as  well  as  from  his  master,  Bezaleel,  who  is  recorded 
as  having  been  learned  in  the  mysteries  of  the  Torah.121 

More  important  is  the  indebtedness  of  Loria  to  Cor- 
dovero.  This  indebtedness  is  suggested  by  a passage 
in  the  “Writings”  of  Loria,  in  which  Cordovero  is 
cited  as  “our  master  and  teacher.”122  The  vagueness 
of  the  plural,  however,  as  well  as  the  uncertainty  as 
to  the  genuineness  of  these  “ Writings  ”,  make  it  rather 
hazardous  to  base  an  important  biographical  fact  upon 
them.  But  we  are  fully  justified  in  doing  so  after  the 
evidence  of  Sambari,  who  reports  that  “Cordovero 
was  the  master  of  Loria  for  a short  time,”  whilst  Con- 
forte  describes  him  as  a disciple-colleague  of  Cordo- 
vero.123 This  evidence  gathers  strength  from  certain 
occasional  remarks  in  a version  of  the  life  of  Loria,  in 
which  the  personal  relations  between  the  two  masters 
are  not  entirely  obliterated.  Thus  we  learn  that  among 
the  “ men  of  wisdom  and  understanding  whom  Loria 
found  in  Safed  upon  his  arrival  there,  were  Caro,  Cor- 
dovero, and  R.  Joseph  Ashkenazi.”  The  fact  that  these 
three  sages  were  singled  out  by  name,  would  suggest 
that  Loria  came  into  close  relationship  with  them. 
From  another  place  it  is  clear  that  it  was  practically 
Cordovero  himself  who  designated  Loria  as  his  succes- 
sor. Naturally,  legend  accounts  for  it  by  a miracle. 
Indeed,  we  are  told  that  it  was  only  to  spare  Cordo- 
vero’s  sensitiveness  that  Loria  hesitated  so  long  before 


258 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


revealing  his  greatness  to  the  world.124  But  we  may 
conclude  that  while  Cordovero  lived,  Loria  occupied 
the  inferior  position, — that  is,  that  of  a disciple  in  the 
presence  of  his  master. 

I lay  no  claim  to  be  initiated  in  the  science  of 
the  invisible,  and  am  thus  unable  to  determine  with 
any  exactness  how  far  this  indebtedness  of  Loria  to 
Cordovero  extended.  To  cite  a Biblical  expression 
frequently  used  in  such  connexion,  I am  merely 
“ looking  through  the  lattice.”  And  what  one  can 
perceive  by  means  of  such  dim  vision  is  that  all 
the  Cabbalists  laboured  under  an  awful  alternative — 
the  dread  of  confusing  the  creature  with  his  Creator, 
and  the  dread  not  less  keenly  felt  of  the  horroi'  vacui , 
or  a God-less  world , in  addition  to  the  well-known 
metaphysical,  or  rather  physical,  difficulty  of  the 
possibility  of  evolving  a finite  world  from  the  Infinite. 
This  dread  called  into  being  a whole  system  of  emana- 
tions and  immanations,  of  straight  rays  and  reflected 
lights,  of  radiations  and  beams,  crossing  each  other 
and  commingling,  and  forming  endless  combinations, 
creating  universes.  But  these  universes  are,  on  the 
other  hand,  affected  by  a whole  series  of  checks  and 
balances,  or  defects  and  faults,  disabling  them  from 
becoming  identical  with  the  life  permeating  them, 
but  (just  because  of  these  defects)  giving  them 
tangible  substance,  by  which  process  alone  the 
creation  of  the  world,  as  we  see  it,  becomes  possible. 
Still,  this  world,  notwithstanding  the  endless  grada- 


SAFED 


259 


tions  and  disguises  and  husks,  is  not  only  reached 
by  a Divine  Essence,  which  created  it,  but  is  per- 
vaded by  it  and  is  full  of  it.  Cordovero’s  expression 
with  regard  to  the  first  immanations,  that  they  are 
identical  and  not  identical,  may  be  applied  also  to  all 
other  developments  in  the  scale  of  the  universes.125 
They  are  just  effect  enough  not  to  be  entirely  confused 
with  their  cause,  but  in  such  close  proximity  or  con- 
tiguity to  the  cause  that  they  cannot  be  thought 
separated  from  the  cause.  Some  mystics  were  bold 
enough  to  declare  the  world  not  only  united  with 
God,  but  one  with  God.  Even  the  lowest  worm  in 
this  scale  becomes  to  a certain  extent  identical  with 
all  the  causes  of  worlds  or  emanations  preceding  it. 
There  is,  accordingly,  a constant  blending  of  the 
temporal  and  the  eternal.  Indeed,  the  action  of  the 
first  emanation,  which  assumes  some  room  for  imma- 
nation,  became  possible  only  by  the  process  of  the 
Divine  Essence  concentrating  itself  into  itself,  and 
thus  making  a place  for  a world  or  the  possibility  of 
emanations.  This  self-concentration  of  the  Divine, 
creating  space  for  the  universes,  or  for  ideas  or 
attributes  from  which  a universe  might  evolve,  is 
counteracted  by  a process  of  expansion,  or  an  out- 
flow of  the  Divine  Essence,  thus  making  Creation 
God-full.  The  impossibility,  however,  on  the  part  of 
the  universes,  or  the  “vessels”,  to  become  a real 
receptacle  for  the  light  emitted  from  Divine  Grace, 
inasmuch  as  the  receptacle  cannot  be  identical  with 
the  thing  received,  caused  a deterioration  in  the 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


260 


descending  scala  of  universes  or  worlds,  which  brought 
about  the  condition  of  chaos,  in  which  the  origin  of 
evil  is  to  be  sought.  The  chaos  is  so  thorough  and 
so  complete  that  evil  cannot  be  entirely  without  good, 
indeed,  it  would  have  no  existence ; whilst  the  good, 
in  the  lower  worlds  at  least,  is  not  entirely  free  from 
evil.  This  is  especially  the  case  with  this  world  of 
ours,  the  most  substantialised.  It  is  the  world  of  the 
Husks,  of  mere  appearances  or  disguises,  obscuring 
the  real  realities,  and  but  for  the  “sparks”,  or  beams, 
of  the  holy  and  pure  scattered  in  it,  it  would  disappear 
into  nothingness,  and  be  swallowed  up  by  its  own 
unredeemable  darkness.  The  elimination  of  evil,  and 
the  restoration  of  the  world  to  Divine  goodness,  is  the 
great  problem  under  which  creation  is  labouring. 

Loria  is  usually  described  as  the  author  of  this 
system  of  Concentration,  called  in  Hebrew  Zhnzum. 
Now,  it  is  true  that  Cordovero,  as  far  as  I could  see, 
only  once  uses  this  term  in  his  Pardcs. 126  But  it 
should  be  remarked  that  R.  Sabbatai  Horwitz,  the 
author  of  the  Shcpha  Tal  (Abundance  of  Dew),  an 
avowed  disciple  of  Cordovero,  and  considered  the 
best  expounder  of  his  system,  is  constantly  operating 
with  Zimzum,  at  the  same  time  giving  the  most  lucid 
expositions  of  the  Concentration  theory  to  be  found 
in  any  Cabbalistic  book;  but  he  never  so  much  as 
mentions  Loria.  However,  I am  prepared  to  accept 
in  good  faith  the  testimony  of  R.  Menahem  Azariah 
of  Fano,  mentioned  above,  who  spent  a large  fortune 
in  procuring  the  writings  of  Cordovero  and  in  giving 


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261 


them  wide  circulation,  but  who  subsequently  declared 
that  the  system  of  Loria  bears  the  same  relation  to 
that  of  Cordovero  as  the  latter  sustains  to  the  Biblical 
commentaries  of  Kimchi,  which  give  only  the  simple 
meaning  of  the  Scriptures  and  never  touch  on  the 
mysteries  of  the  Torah.127 

Some  light  perhaps  may  be  thrown  on  this  point 
by  a remark  ascribed  by  legend  to  Cordovero  him- 
self, to  the  effect  that  Cordovero  on  a certain  occasion 
expressed  his  opinion  that  there  was  no  real  disagree- 
ment between  his  system  and  that  of  his  successor 
(Loria);  only  whilst  he  himself  dwelt  more  on  the 
aspect  of  the  Scphiroth  (Emanations),  his  successor 
enlarged  more  on  the  Parzupliim,  as  they  are  to  be 
found  in  the  Idras  of  the  Zohar.128  Parzuphim,  a 
Greek  term,  signifies,  when  occurring  in  the  regular 
Rabbinical  literature,  faces,  visages,  forehead,  and 
features.  The  mystic  seemed  to  use  the  term  in  the 
wider  sense  of  the  “full  stature,”  comprising  all  parts 
of  the  human  body,  allegorised,  sublimised,  to  repre- 
sent attributes  and  ideas.  Starting  from  the  favoured 
notion  of  the  mystics,  conceiving  man  as  a microcosm 
(or  the  Avorld  in  miniature),  virtually  connected  with 
and  focussing  all  the  different  orders  of  creation,  and 
pressing  (rather  unduly)  the  logical  consequence  in- 
volved in  the  Scriptural  statement,  “So  God  created 
man  in  his  own  image”  and  similar  verses,  the  mystic 
reverses  the  process,  and  if  he  does  not  exactly  create 
God  in  the  image  of  man,  he  conceives  even  in  the 
ideal  universe  “man  in  enlargement”,  and  looks  to 


262 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


his  image  for  the  illustration  of  all  Existence  and 
Generation.  His  language  then  becomes  less  abstract 
and  his  metaphors  much  bolder.  He  imposes  on 
himself,  it  is  true,  absolute  silence  with  regard  to  the 
Infinite,  or  the  Unknowable,  or  the  Super-Essential, 
who  is  transcendentalised  beyond  language  and  beyond 
thought.  But  more  intrepid  grows  his  phraseology 
when  he  reaches  the  first  manifestation  of  the  Most 
Hidden  of  all  Hidden,  which  he  terms  the  Original 
Man,  or  the  Ideal  Man  ( Adam  Kadinon ),  the  arche- 
type of  creation,  endowed  with  certain  qualities  making 
it  possible  to  establish  likeness  “between  the  image  and 
him  who  fashioned  it.”  The  danger  of  this  system, 
with  its  bold  negations  on  the  one  hand,  and  its 
hazardous  “anthropology”  on  the  other,  is  evident 
enough  and  needs  no  further  explanation.  It  should, 
however,  be  remarked  that  no  one  felt  this  danger 
more  deeply  and  warned  against  it  more  emphatically 
than  the  Cabbalists  themselves.  It  is  sufficient  here 
to  refer  to  the  compiler  of  the  Idras,  which,  as  just 
indicated,  were  the  main  source  of  Loria’s  inspiration. 
The  Idras  may,  perhaps,  be  characterised  as  the 
mystical  anatomy  of  the  “Original  Man”.  They 
dilate,  naturally,  upon  the  corporeal  expressions  of 
the  Bible  in  connexion  with  the  Deity,  but  add  to 
them  also  limbs  and  organs  of  the  human  body  not 
occurring  in  the  Scriptures,  describing  them  minutely 
and  explaining  them  in  a theosophic  and  mystical 
manner.  But  this  lengthy  discourse  (especially  the 
so-called  Great  Idra,  claiming  to  have  been  promul- 


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263 


gated  in  the  circle  of  the  ancient  Rabbis)  is  prefaced  by 
a solemn  warning  by  R.  Simon  ben  Yochai,  the  alleged 
hero  of  this  gathering,  not  to  take  these  metaphors 
and  terms  literally.  He  enjoins  them  to  rise  and  lift 
their  hands  when  he  pronounces  the  anathema  over 
those  not  heeding  his  warning,  with  the  Scriptural 
words,  “Cursed  be  the  man  that  maketh  any  graven 
or  molten  image  an  abomination  unto  the  Lord,  the 
work  of  the  hands  of  the  craftsman,  and  putteth  it  in 
a secret  place.  And  all  the  people  shall  answer,  and 
say  Amen”  (Deut.  27:15). 

Loria  was  apparently  more  given  to  this  branch  of 
the  Cabbala  than  to  any  other.  This  is,  at  least,  the 
impression  one  receives  on  examining  the  works  or 
the  hymns  attributed  to  him.  There  the  anthropo- 
morphistic  element  is  more  conspicuous,  and  the 
terminology  more  concrete  than  in  the  works  of  his 
predecessors,  and  it  is  not  impossible  that  it  was  just 
this  novel  feature  in  his  teaching  which  proved  attract- 
ive to  the  more  daring  spirits.  But  there  must  have 
been,  besides,  something  great  and  attractive  about 
Loria’s  personality  that  gave  him  this  overwhelming 
influence  in  a city  so  abounding  in  great  scholars  and 
great  mystics  as  was  Safed.  This  will  be  more  clearly 
seen  if  we  follow  his  career  in  his  new  home. 

The  whole  ministry  of  Loria  in  Safed  lasted  at  the 
utmost  six  years.129  With  the  exception  of  R.  David 
ben  Zimra,  whom  he  had  known  in  Cairo,  there  is 
nothing  on  record  to  show  that  he  had  any  connexion 


264 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


with  the  leading  spirits  of  Safed  before  his  settling  in 
this  city.  But  we  find  him  soon,  as  shown  before,  in 
the  society  of  Caro  and  Cordovero,  the  recognised  heads 
of  the  Talmudic  and  mystical  schools  respectively. 
His  relation  to  Cordovero  was  that,  as  we  have 
already  pointed  out,  of  a disciple  or  disciple-colleague 
to  his  master.  As  to  Caro,  we  are  in  possession  of  a 
Responsum  showing  that  Loria  solicited  his  advice  in 
the  decision  of  a civil  case,  which  suggests  a certain 
subordination  on  the  part  of  Loria  in  purely  Rabbinic 
matters.  But  this  did  not  prevent  Caro  from  being 
counted,  according  to  legend,  among  the  greatest 
admirers  of  Loria.  Their  relations  must  have  grown 
more  intimate  when  Loria’ s son  became  engaged  to  a 
daughter  of  Caro.  Shlomel,  to  whom  we  owe  the 
knowledge  of  this  fact,  reports  in  this  connexion,  in 
the  name  of  Caro’s  widow,  that  when  her  husband 
came  home  from  the  banquet  given  in  honour  of  this 
betrothal,  he  said  to  her,  “My  wife,  I can  hardly 
describe  to  you  how  much  I profited  in  my  knowledge 
of  the  secrets  of  the  Torah  coming  from  the  mouth  of 
Loria  at  this  banquet.  Not  even  an  angel  is  in  pos- 
session of  such  heavenly  lore  as  he  displayed  this 
night,  his  soul  being  that  of  an  ancient  prophet.”  It 
should,  however,  be  noted  that  Shlomel  naively 
proceeds  to  say  that  Loria  rather  discouraged  Caro  in 
his  efforts  to  become  his  disciple  in  the  Cabbala, 
maintaining  that  Caro’s  soul  was  only  fit  to  receive 
wisdom  on  the  plane  of  Cordovero.  As  a proof  of 
this,  Loria  is  supposed  to  have  given  the  fact,  that  as 


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265 


often  as  he  began  to  reveal  some  great  mystery  to 
Caro,  the  latter  would  fall  asleep,  so  that  Caro  himself 
became  convinced  that  he  was  not  sufficiently  prepared 
for  the  revelations  of  Loria.I3° 

The  ascendency  of  Loria  probably  dated  from  the 
year  1570,  when  he  succeeded  Cordovero  as  the  head 
of  the  mystical  school.  But  whilst  Cordovero  was 
admired  and  revered  as  a saint  and  a scholar,  Loria 
was  looked  upon  as  one  of  those  superhuman  beings 
who,  by  a special  act  of  Providence,  are  permitted  to 
visit  us  mortals  for  the  especial  purpose  of  our  salvation. 
Their  real  home  is  heaven,  and  they  come  to  us  only 
on  leave  of  absence.  According  to  his  biographers, 
his  face  was  shining  like  the  sun,  and  his  thoughts 
were  chaste  and  holy.  In  his  knowledge  of  the  Divine 
there  was  none  like  him  since  the  glorious  days  of  R. 
Simon  ben  Yochai.  He  was,  moreover,  master  of  all 
the  sciences.  He  knew  physiognomy  and  chiromancy, 
and  understood  the  conversation  of  the  trees,  and  the 
language  of  the  birds,  and  the  speech  of  the  angels. 
Looking  at  the  forehead  of  a man  he  could  tell  at  a 
glance  from  what  particular  source  his  soul  was  derived, 
and  the  processes  of  transmigration  through  which  it 
had  passed,  and  what  its  present  mission  was  on  earth. 
He  also  could  discern  the  souls  of  the  wicked  which 
(as  a punishment)  had  taken  up  their  abode  in  woods 
and  in  stone  quarries,  in  the  beasts  of  the  field,  in 
insects  and  unclean  birds.  He  was  able  to  tell  men 
their  past  as  well  as  predict  their  future,  and  to 
prescribe  for  them  the  rules  of  conduct  calculated  to 


266 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


make  amends  for  their  shortcomings  in  a previous 
existence.131 

The  name  under  which  Loria  usually  appears  in 
this  new  hagiology  is  ARI  (Lion),  forming  the  anagram 
of  the  Hebrew  words  signifying  “the  Divine  Rabbi 
Isaac,”  whilst  his  disciples  and  other  enthusiastic  fol- 
lowers are  termed  “the  Lion- Whelps.”  Probably 
they  included  among  their  number  several  of  the 
old  Associates  of  Cordovero  who,  indeed,  under 
the  leadership  of  Loria  seem  to  have  become  more 
consolidated  and  to  have  figured  more  prominently 
as  a compact  body  than  in  former  days.  It  is  true 
that  we  have  indications  that  some  of  the  disciples  of 
Cordovero  hesitated  for  some  time  in  their  recognition 
of  the  new  master,  putting  him  to  the  test  in  various 
ways.  But  all  opposition  seems  soon  to  have  ceased, 
so  that  Loria  maintained  the  field.132 

The  most  important  acquisition  to  the  Lion- Whelps 
was  R.  Chayim  Vital  who,  it  seems,  had  until  then 
pursued  his  mystical  studies  entirely  independent  of  the 
Cabbalists  of  Safed.  At  the  time  of  Loria’s  appearance 
on  the  stage,  Vital  was  living  in  Damascus,  occupied  in 
writing  a commentary  on  the  Zohar.  He  paid  little 
attention  to  the  rumours  reaching  him  from  Safed,  that 
a great  new  master  had  arisen  in  Israel.  These 
rumours,  however,  were  strengthened  by  visions  in 
dreams  of  the  night,  which,  according  to  legend,  Vital 
could  no  longer  disregard,  so  that  he  determined  to 
go  to  Safed  and  meet  Loria.  They  had  hardly  met 


SAFED 


267 


before  Vital  had  occasion  to  learn  that  at  last  he  had 
found  a master.  He  soon  became  the  most  devoted 
member  of  Loria’s  school  and  the  most  active  in  the 
propagation  of  his  teaching.133 

The  text-book  of  the  school  was  the  Zohar,  which 
Loria  would  expound  to  his  disciples  after  due  prep- 
aration for  it  on  their  part.  The  Idra,  referred  to 
above,  seems  to  have  been  the  object  of  their  particular 
inquiry  and  curiosity.  But  it  must  be  remarked  that 
even  in  the  narrow  circle  of  his  trusted  pupils,  Loria 
was  not  very  communicative  in  the  revelation  of  what 
he  considered  to  be  the  “mystery  of  mysteries.” 
The  few  revelations  he  did  make  were  made,  according 
to  the  testimony  of  his  disciples,  only  under  protest, 
at  their  urgent  solicitation  and  at  the  very  risk  of  the 
life  of  the  master,  he  having  been  apparently  unwilling 
to  reveal  such  great  secrets  to  insignificant  mortals. 
But  even  his  disciples  could  not  prevail  upon  him  to 
give  a presentation  of  his  system  in  a book  for  the 
benefit  of  posterity.  Nay,  even  the  permission  to  take 
down  notes  of  his  lectures  was  given  only  grudgingly 
and,  as  it  seems,  was  withdrawn  subsequently.134 

Next  to  the  mysteries  of  the  Torah,  it  was  apparently 
the  personality  of  Loria  himself  which  exercised  their 
minds.  Loria,  it  is  true,  was  vaguely  known  to  the 
general  population  of  Safed  as  “the  Holy  Man”  and 
“the  Divine  Cabbalist.”  Occasionally  he  gave  an 
edifying  lecture  in  some  synagogue.  There  is  also  a 
tradition  that  he  was  a member  of  the  Board  of 
Censors  in  Safed,  composed  of  various  Rabbis  who 


268 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


were  responsible  for  the  morals  of  the  city,  and  that 
he  distinguished  himself  there  by  defending  the  hon- 
our of  a woman  who  lay  under  grave  suspicion.135 
According  to  another  account,  he  came  also  in  contact 
with  the  world  through  his  business  relations,  to  which 
he  gave  up  three  days  of  the  week.136  I do  not  think 
that  this  report  is  correct.  It  is  more  probable  that 
he  had  some  competency  granted  to  him  by  his  rich 
uncle  and  father-in-law.  Be  this  as  it  may,  there  is 
no  doubt  that  he  was  best  known  to  the  Associates, 
numbering  ten  or  twelve,  who  constituted  the  inner 
circle  of  Loria’s  acquaintance  and  converted  themselves 
into  as  many  Boswells.  None  of  his  movements 
escaped  them.  They  watched  to  see  how  he  rose 
from  his  bed  and  when ; how  he  washed  his  hands, 
how  he  cut  his  nails,  how  he  read  his  prayers,  how  he 
ate  his  meals,  and  more  often,  how  he  fasted  and  when ; 
how  he  said  Grace  after  meals,  how  he  addressed 
himself  to  his  fellow-men,  and  what  his  relations  to 
them  were;  how  he  prepared  himself  for  the  Sabbath, 
and  how  many  garments  he  wore  on  that  day;  what 
songs  he  intoned  during  the  meal,  and  how  he  cut 
the  bread,  and  what  shape  the  table  had  at  which 
these  meals  were  served.  This  fitted  in  well  with 
their  system,  in  which  man,  as  already  hinted,  plays 
the  important  part,  especially  the  “superman,”  sur- 
rounded by  that  Divine  halo  which  makes  him,  to 
use  a Talmudical  expression,  a partner  of  the  Holy 
One,  blessed  be  he,  in  the  creation  of  the  world.137 
In  the  Talmud,  this  distinction  of  creating  worlds  is 


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269 


bestowed  on  the  man  who  administers  justice.138  In 
the  Cabbala,  this  function  of  creating  worlds,  and  not 
less  of  destroying  worlds  (in  the  case  of  evil-doers), 
is  extended  to  all  the  actions  of  man  by  reason  of  his 
soul  being  the  plexus  of  the  whole  scale  of  worlds. 
This  makes  a whole  universe  sensitive  to  all  his 
motions.  In  the  case  of  Loria  arose  a whole  literature, 
dealing  with  what  is  called  Attentions,  or  Devotions, 
including  the  rules  of  conduct  observed  by  Loria. 
The  Attentions  are  for  the  most  part  of  a mystical 
nature,  bearing  upon  Loria’s  interpretation  of  the 
contents  of  the  ritual  and  the  mystical  meaning  which 
he  divined  in  the  performance  of  every  commandment ; 
but  there  are  also  Attentions  of  more  general  interest.139 

Loria’s  first  care  was  naturally  for  the  young 
“Lions”,  or  the  Associates,  who  were  apparently  in 
need  of  a little  taming  and  discipline,  to  effect  which 
he  erected  for  them  an  “ enclosure”,  or  rather,  square, 
a block  of  buildings,  providing  chambers  also  for  their 
wives  and  children.  Isolation  from  the  world,  though 
living  in  the  world,  forms  a part  of  the  programme  of 
every  mystic.  But  the  experiment  was  not  successful. 
After  a few  months  had  passed,  the  women  began  to 
quarrel,  and  imparted  their  grievances  to  their  hus- 
bands, leading  to  unpleasantness  among  the  Associ- 
ates. This  mortified  Loria  very  deeply.140 

The  Associates  were  divided  into  two  classes, 
probably  in  accordance  with  their  knowledge  of  mysti- 
cal lore,  but  this  did  not  prevent  Loria  from  considering 
them  as  one  body  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  word. 


270 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


each  of  the  Associates  being  held  only  as  a member 
or  a joint  of  the  body,  so  that  in  loving  himself  he 
loved  the  whole  organism.  Loria  further  bade  them 
to  pray  constantly  one  for  the  other,  and  especially  to 
feel  the  distress  of  each  other  in  the  case  of  sickness 
and  misfortune.  The  love  of  the  organism,  however, 
extended  to  the  whole  of  Israel,  and  Loria  prescribed, 
that  before  beginning  prayers  man  should  receive  upon 
himself  the  affirmative  commandment,  “And  thou 
shalt  love  thy  neighbour  as  thyself’’  (Lev.  19:  17),  so 
that  he  may  pray  for  Israel,  in  Israel,  and  with  Israel. 
And  it  was  this  overwhelming  sense  of  his  solidarity 
with  Israel  which  urged  him  to  read  the  Confession 
prescribed  for  Yom  Kippur  (Day  of  Atonement)  in  all 
its  fullest  details,  explaining  that  though  there  may  be 
sins  which  he  himself  had  not  committed,  he  felt  him- 
self to  be  a member  of  the  great  body  of  Israel 
whose  individual  members  form  only  one  great  unit 
of  souls.141  Vital,  the  favourite  pupil  of  Loria,  prescribes 
as  one  of  the  conditions  for  the  acquiring  of  the  gift  of 
the  Holy  Spirit,  “ Love  all  creatures,  including  non- 
Jews.”142  Loria  himself  was  careful  not  to  kill  any 
living  creature,  be  it  even  an  insect  or  a worm.  This 
was  probably  a result  of  his  belief  in  the  teaching  of 
Metempsychosis,  so  prominent  in  Loria’s  system, 
which  peopled  for  him  the  animate  world  with  the 
souls  of  a fallen  humanity,  now  appearing  in  the  shapes 
of  lower  creation.143 

Prayer,  as  may  be  expected,  was  to  Loria  one  of 
the  main  functions  of  life,  there  being,  according  to  him, 


SAFED 


271 


no  prayer  in  which  man,  by  reason  of  his  close  com- 
munion with  God,  does  not  become  the  receptacle  of 
new  Divine  light  and  a new  outflow  of  Divine  mercy. 
Every  word  of  the  ritual,  every  letter  in  it,  had,  besides 
its  literal  meaning,  also  its  awful  mysteries,  occupying 
a most  prominent  place  in  the  writings  attributed  to  him 
or  to  his  disciples.  He  saw  in  the  lack  of  proper  de- 
votion during  prayer  the  great  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
the  redemption  of  Israel.144  It  is  hardly  to  be  wondered 
at  that  such  sublime  prayer,  accompanied  by  all  the 
“Attentions”  as  Loria  prescribed  them,  should  be 
preceded  by  a series  of  ablutions,  forming  a part  of  the 
mystical  programme  at  all  times.  It  is  reported  that 
Loria  said  that  physical  purity,  obtained  by  such 
ablutions,  is  greatly  helpful  to  man,  and  he  would 
perform  them  in  the  severest  cold.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  is  recorded  that  when  his  mother  objected  to 
them  on  account  of  his  delicate  health,  he  would 
defer  to  her  wishes  cheerfully.145 

This  trait  of  considerateness  was  an  essential 
feature  of  his  character.  He  led,  as  we  can  imagine, 
a very  simple  life,  dressing  very  plainly  and  spending 
little  on  himself,  but  he  would  accept  the  budget  of 
his  wife  without  a protest,  and  grant  all  the  expense 
she  considered  fit.146  It  was  also  his  custom  to  pay 
for  any  object  required  for  religious  purposes  the 
amount  asked,  whatever  it  might  be.  Anger  he 
declared  to  be  the  source  of  all  evil,  considering  it 
as  a sort  of  spiritual  suicide,  and  though  he  was  very 
tender  in  the  treatment  of  his  disciples,  he  once 


272 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


rebuked  one  of  the  Associates  who  showed  too  much 
resentment  against  his  brother  for  not  being  sufficiently 
attentive  to  his  studies.147  The  man  who  is  betrayed 
into  anger  puts  up  a strange  god  in  his  heart,  which 
is  a sanctuary,  and  where  the  Divine  Presence  should 
dwell.  Hence,  let  no  man  be  betrayed  into  anger, 
either  against  a Gentile  or  a Jew,  not  even  in  the  case 
when  he  has  been  robbed  or  insulted,  but  let  always 
his  mind  remain  calm.  “The  Lord,  his  God,  is  with 
him,  and  the  shout  of  the  King  is  in  him.”  It  is 
reported  that  the  Loria  Associates  made  it  a rule  not 
to  initiate  anyone  into  the  mysteries  of  the  Cabbala 
who  was  by  temperament  inclined  to  anger.148  There 
is  also  a story7  about  Loria  that  he  would,  on  his 
walks,  usually  place  himself  behind  a certain  student 
of  Safed.  It  seems  that  his  disciples  rather  resented 
this  humility  of  their  master,  and  expostulated  writh 
him.  His  answer  was  to  the  effect  that  he  could  see 
that  the  student  felt  especially  honoured  by  walking 
before  him  ; since  this  was  his  desire,  Loria  thought  it 
his  duty  to  satisfy  it;  just  as  we,  according  to  the 
Rabbinic  law,  are  bound  to  provide  a proper  escort  for 
the  poor  of  noble  descent,  if  they  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  it  all  their  lives.149 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  that  Loria  was  chari- 
table ; he  had  appointed  times  every  day  when  he 
gave  a certain  amount  of  alms  to  the  treasurer  of  his 
synagogue,  but  he  further  considered  it  as  a solemn 
act,  and  would,  as  in  the  most  important  prayers, 
stand  on  his  feet  when  he  gave  his  Perutah.  Often  he 


SAFED 


273 


would  give  all  the  money  in  his  possession,  not  look- 
ing to  see  whether  anything  remained  in  his  pocket.150 
This  is  certainly  against  all  the  rules  of  scientific  charity. 
I hope  that  we  shall  overlook  this  defect  in  his 
character  when  we  remember  the  remark  of  a French 
philosopher  of  the  eighteenth  century,  who  said  that 
“magnanimity  owes  no  account  of  its  motives  to 
prudence.” 

He  was  especially  strict  in  the  fulfilment  of  the 
command  bidding  us  to  pay  the  workman  his  wages 
on  the  very  day  on  which  he  has  performed  his  labour 
(Deut.  24:  15),  and  it  went  so  far  with  him  that  he 
would  not  allow  himself  to  read  the  afternoon  prayer 
before  getting  the  necessary  money  to  pay  off  debts  of 
this  kind,  saying,  “How  dare  I approach  my  Maker 
when  such  a commandment  came  within  my  reach  and 
I did  not  accomplish  it?”151 

In  this  connexion,  the  following  story  may  be  re- 
produced : As  we  have  seen,  many  Jews  in  Safed  were 
engaged  in  the  clothing  trade.  Among  these  was  R. 
Abraham  Galanti,  referred  to  above.  One  day  Galanti 
came  to  Loria  asking  him,  as  the  phrase  was,  to  “give  an 
improvement  to  his  soul,” — that  is,  to  tell  him  whether 
Loria  had  not  detected  that  he  was  backward  in  the 
fulfilment  of  one  of  the  commandments.  Loria  at  first 
declined  to  comply  with  his  wish,  as  Galanti  was  one 
of  the  scholars  and  saints  of  Safed;  but  after  much 
urging,  he  fixed  his  eyes  on  Galanti’s  forehead  and 
said  to  him,  “ that  he  was  defective  in  the  commandment 
‘Thou  shalt  not  defraud  thy  neighbour,  neither  rob  him’  ” 


274 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


(Lev.  19:  13).  The  mystical  notion  is  that  sin  and 
passion  leave  their  impression  on  the  face  of  man,  and 
disfigure  the  image  of  God.  Galanti  went  home  trem- 
bling in  every  limb,  and  deeply  mortified  that  he 
should  have  disgraced  himself  so  far  as  to  be  in- 
volved in  the  sin  of  dishonesty.  He  put  on  sackcloth 
and  spread  ashes  on  his  head  in  accordance  with  the 
usage  of  penitents,  and  called  a meeting  of  all  the 
hands  engaged  in  his  factory.  When  they  arrived,  he 
said  to  them : “ Know  ye  not  that  I am  only  flesh  and 
blood,  and  therefore  subject  to  error?  Accordingly, 
I must  ask  that  you  should  examine  most  carefully 
your  accounts  with  me,  to  see  that  I do  you  no 
wrong.”  Their  answer  was:  “We  have  no  account 
against  you.  Since  we  have  been  in  the  master’s  em- 
ploy we  are  wanting  in  nothing,  and  the  Lord  has  sent 
us  his  blessing.  There  is  none  among  us  who  would 
think  of  making  a bill  of  his  demands.”  Thereupon 
the  Rabbi  said  : “It  is  through  your  negligence  in  this 
respect  that  I have  become  the  victim  of  sin.  I will, 
therefore,  put  money  before  you ; take  what  you  de- 
sire, and  forgive  any  claims  you  may  have  against 
me.”  But  they  would  not  touch  the  money,  except 
one  woman,  who  stretched  out  her  hands  and  took 
two  Perutoth.  Galanti  then  went  to  Loria,  who  said, 
as  he  came  out  to  meet  him,  “Why  did  you  feel  so 
mortified?”  Galanti  answered,  “Is  it  a small  matter 
that  I should  feel  that  I may  possibly  have  robbed 
somebody?  Now,  if  I have  found  grace  in  your  eyes, 
tell  me  if  the  mark  of  this  sin  is  still  upon  my  fore- 


SAFED 


275 


head?”  Loria  answered,  “No  sign  of  sin  is  visible 
any  longer,”  and  revealed  to  him  that  the  mistake 
consisted  in  the  fact  that  this  woman  who  had  taken 
two  Perutoth  was  one  of  the  best  weavers  in  his  factory, 
and  should  have  been  better  paid  than  the  other  em- 
ployees. “But  they  are  very  particular  in  heaven 
about  such  things,”  said  Loria,  “ hence  the  ugly  mark 
which  I perceived  on  you.”152 

Sabbath  was  the  day  of  days  with  Loria  and  the 
Associates,  new  heavenly  light  reaching  our  sublunar 
regions  on  that  day.  The  preparation  for  the  Sabbath 
began  Friday  morning,  when  Loria  would  read  the 
portion  of  the  week  from  a scroll  of  the  Pentateuch. 
Then  would  come  dressing  the  hair,  ablutions,  and 
arraying  himself  in  white  garments  in  honour  of  the 
Sabbath.  Early  in  the  afternoon,  Loria  would  form  a 
procession,  together  with  the  Associates,  to  the  fields 
to  receive  there  Queen  Sabbath  with  the  song,  “Come, 
my  Beloved.”  153  It  was  on  such  occasions  that  Loria, 
who  was  otherwise,  as  we  have  seen,  rather  reserved  in 
revealing  the  mysteries  of  the  Torah,  would  become  com- 
municative and  uncover  Divine  secrets  which  no  ear  had 
been  worthy  enough  to  listen  to  before.  And  not  only 
would  the  living  profit  by  this  hour  of  grace,  but 
also  the  souls  of  the  departed  would  benefit,  wandering 
about  for  eternities,  and  taking  up  their  abodes  in  the 
different  kingdoms,  the  mineral,  the  vegetable,  and  the 
animal.  These  would  on  such  occasions  come  to 
Loria,  asking  for  his  prayers  to  lift  them  up  into  the 
higher  regions.  “He  saw  spirits  everywhere,  and 


276 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


heard  their  whispers  in  the  rushing  of  the  water,  in 
the  movements  of  the  trees  and  grass,  in  the  song  or 
twittering  of  the  birds,  even  in  the  flickering  of 
flames.”154  The  neighbourhood  of  Safed,  to  which 
legend,  long  before  this  period,  had  transferred  from 
Judaea  the  earthly  remains  of  prophets  and  ancient 
sages,  became  to  Loria,  who  saw  their  souls  hovering 
on  the  graves,  a veritable  Valley  of  Jehoshaphat  in  the 
hour  of  resurrection.  He  held  intercourse  with  them, 
and  united,  in  ‘‘concentrated  prayer,”  his  soul  with 
theirs.155  But,  above  all,  it  was  contemporary  human- 
ity which  harboured  these  souls,  if  such  an  expression 
be  permissible  with  Loria.  Indeed,  recognising  as 
Loria  did,  by  the  process  of  metempsychosis,  in  every 
person  he  met  old  acquaintances  from  history,  with 
whom  he  had  associated  in  a former  existence,  and 
believing  further,  as  he  did,  that  it  was  only  with  the 
advent  of  the  Messiah  that  this  transmigration  of  souls 
would  cease,  all  limits  of  space  and  time  practi- 
cally disappeared  for  him.  To  him  the  ‘‘generations 
past  and  the  generations  to  come  formed  with  those 
who  are  alive  one  single  whole.”  All  souls  were 
evolved  from  the  “ original  soul”  of  Adam,  derived  from 
the  different  parts  of  his  body,  and  they  suffered  by  his 
Fall.  All  live  eternally,  and  are  swayed  by  almost  the 
same  passions  and  by  the  same  ideals  as  they  were 
before.  A certain  neighbour  of  Loria,  of  a quarrel- 
some disposition,  was  none  else  to  him  than  Korah  of 
old,  whilst  Loria  himself  was  a spark  of  the  soul  of 
Moses.156  R.  Abraham  Halevi,  referred  to  above,  was 


SAFED 


377 


reported  by  legend  to  have  perceived  the  Divine  Glory 
during  his  prayers  at  the  Holy  Wall  in  Jerusalem. 
Loria  thereupon  discovered  in  him  a spark  of  the  soul 
of  the  prophet  Jeremiah,  who,  according  to  a Rabbin- 
ical legend,  had  a similar  vision  on  the  same  conse- 
crated spot.157  R.  Moses  Alsheich,  again,  famous,  as 
noted  above,  for  his  homiletical  works,  was  pregnant 
with  the  soul  of  R.  Samuel  ben  Nachmani,  the  famous 
Agadist  of  the  fourth  century.15®  Loria  himself  and 
the  Associates,  in  their  present  capacity  as  mystics, 
represented  the  reincarnation  of  the  supposed  heroes  of 
the  Zohar,  headed  by  R.  Simon  ben  Yochai  and  his  son 
R.  Eleazar.15?  Men  were  not  to  him  what  they  were,  but 
what  they  had  been  once,  and  it  was  their  former  exist- 
ence which  determined  his  relations  to  them.  Thus  it 
is  reported  that  one  morning  his  disciple  R.  Samuel  de 
Useda  entered  the  house  of  Loria,  who  was  lecturing 
to  the  Associates.  Loria,  upon  perceiving  him,  at 
once  arose  before  him  and  greeted  him  with  the  words, 
“Blessed  be  he  that  cometh,”  took  him  by  the  hand, 
placed  him  at  his  right  side,  and  had  a long  conversa- 
tion with  him.  Vital,  who  was  present,  was  curious 
to  know  why  his  master  showed  this  young  man 
so  much  honour,  and  asked  him  the  reason.  He 
said  : It  was  not  before  him  that  I arose,  but  before 
the  soul  of  R.  Phinehas  ben  Jair,  who  lived  some 
eight  hundred  years  ago,  and  was  especially  distin- 
guished by  his  acts  of  charity  and  lovingkindness. 
Of  this  soul  the  young  man  became  possessed  to-day. 
Upon  inquiry,  Useda  confessed  that  that  morning,  on 


27? 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


his  way  to  the  synagogue,  he  had  passed  by  a house 
from  which  the  voice  of  lamentation  and  crying 
reached  his  ears.  When  he  went  in,  he  found  the 
tenants  all  naked,  robbers  having  taken  away  their 
clothes.  He  at  once  gave  them  all  the  raiment  he 
had  on,  and  returned  home,  where  he  clad  himself  in 
his  Sabbath  garments.160 

Such  things  Lona  saw  best  on  the  eve  of  the 
Sabbath  by  the  aid  of  the  Divine  light  radiating  from 
the  holiness  of  the  day  to  come.  When  the  prayers 
and  the  songs  in  the  fields  were  over,  Loria  would 
return  home,  where  he  would  be  met  by  his  mother, 
whom  he  kissed  on  entering  the  house.  As  it  would 
seem,  he  was  accompanied  by  Vital,  who  used  to 
spend  the  Sabbath  with  him.  Then  would  begin,  as 
we  can  imagine,  the  Kiddush  (Sanctification  of  the  day 
over  the  cup  of  wine),  and  the  meal,  at  which  any 
number  of  concentrated  “Attentions”  were  observed. 
We  are  also  in  possession  of  three  mystical  songs 
composed  by  Loria  himself,  sung  at  the  three  meals 
by  which  the  Sabbath  day  was  distinguished.1®1 

The  Sabbath  emitted  its  rays,  lighting  up  the  whole 
week,  sanctifying  even  such  moments  of  human  life 
as  those  in  which  material  needs  and  common  passions 
are  very  little  favourable  to  spirituality.  Loria,  in 
common  with  other  mystics,  succeeded  in  spiritualis- 
ing the  whole  life  of  man,  just  as  the  legalist  finds 
nothing  in  human  affairs  which  is  either  above  or 
below  the  Torah.  De  Vidas,  referred  to  before,  the 
favourite  pupil  of  Cordovero,  wrote  a book,  Reshith 


SAFED 


279 


Chochmah,  dealing  with  such  topics  as  the  fear  of  God, 
the  love  of  God,  holiness,  humility,  sin,  reward  and 
punishment,  and  repentance,  but  he  did  not  disdain  to 
devote  whole  pages  to  such  subjects  as  the  intimate 
relations  or  intercourse  between  the  sexes,  commerce 
and  trade,  good  manners  and  social  etiquette,  all  of 
which  form  a part  of  the  sacred  life.  The  same  thing 
may  be  observed  of  the  pupils  of  Loria.  The  book, 
Ez  ha-Chayim  (The  Tree  of  Life),  ascribed  to  Vital  and 
supposed  to  represent  a compilation  of  the  most 
important  of  Loria’s  teachings,  is  prefaced  among 
others  by  this  motto,  “Depart  from  evil  and  do  good” 
(Psalms  34  : 14).  It  is  followed  by  a number  of  rules, 
some  of  which  we  have  already  met  with  in  the  pre- 
ceding remarks.  The  first  of  them  impresses  upon 
the  mystic  the  necessity  of  the  strict  fulfilment  of  the 
Law  in  all  its  minutiae,  whether  Scriptural  or  tradi- 
tional.162 “The  Gates  of  Holiness,”  by  Vital,  gives 
a set  of  rules  for  those  who  are  in  search  of  eternal 
perfection,  the  absorption  in  the  Divine,  and  is  per- 
vaded by  the  same  spirit  of  loyalty  to  the  Law,  both 
in  its  ceremonial  and  moral  parts. 

Thus  the  Safed  of  the  sixteenth  century,  at  least, 
is  free  from  all  antinominian  tendencies,  which  are  the 
supposed  inevitable  consequences  of  mysticism.  The 
Safed  Jew  of  that  period  saw  no  antagonism  of  principle 
between  Caro  and  Loria.  Caro  was  for  him  the  authority, 
Loria  the  model.  But  just  as  Loria  was  amenable  to 
the  discipline  of  the  Law,  so  was  Caro  not  unresponsive 
to  the  finer  impulses  of  love  and  admiration. 


2So 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


Loria  died  in  the  year  1572  (according  to  some,  in 
1 574)  after  a short  illness  of  three  days.1®3  Vital  took 
over  the  leadership,  and  it  was  under  his  direction 
that  various  writings  and  works  were  soon  compiled 
and  put  into  circulation,  claiming  the  authority  of 
Loria.  How  far  Loria  would  have  felt  himself 
responsible  for  all  that  was  then  written  and  said  in 
his  name,  is  a question  not  to  be  easily  decided. 
Probably  he  would  have  disowned  a great  deal  of 
what  was  afterwards  known  as  the  writings  of  Loria. 
I have  already  referred  to  his  hesitation  in  giving 
publicity  to  what  he  considered  to  be  the  secrets  of 
the  Torah,  but  he  must  also  have  felt  that  his  highly- 
coloured  metaphors  and  rich  imagery  might  become 
a stumbling-block  to  those  who  had  not  passed 
through  all  the  grades  of  holiness,  and  were  not 
satisfied  with  being  brought  near  God  on  the 
“ religious-fatigue”  system,  but  preferred  to  have  God 
brought  down  to  them.  We  have  it  also  on  good 
authority  that  before  his  death  he  said  to  his  disciples, 
“ Know  for  a truth  that  you  have  not  a single 
Proposition  (of  the  mystical  lore  expounded  by  Loria) 
that  can  be  considered  complete.”  When  they  said 
to  him,  “Not  even  R.  Chayim  Vital?”  he  answered: 
Perhaps  he  knows  a little  more  than  you,  but  not 
much.164 

The  Propositions,  however,  concerned  only  a few 
exalted  personages  among  the  mystics,  who  made 
them  the  special  subject  of  their  studies  and  further 
development.  What  filtered  through  these  Proposi- 


SAFED 


281 


tions  and  reached  those  who  laid  no  claim  to  this  title, 
“was  not  metaphysic  but  moral,  not  immanence  but 
sin,”  or  rather  the  fear  of  sin.  The  Propositions 
placed  man,  as  already  hinted  at,  upon  a pedestal,  the 
eminence  of  which  caused  giddiness  to  many  an  exalted 
personage,  who,  deeming  himself  a god  or  a demi-god, 
lost  his  balance  and  fell  beyond  hope  of  redemption. 
The  great  majority  of  Israel  remained  mindful 
of  the  old  warning,  “Be  not  rash  with  thy  mouth, 
and  let  not  thine  heart  be  hasty  to  utter  any- 
thing before  God  : for  God  is  in  heaven,  and  thou 
upon  earth-,  therefore  let  thy  words  be  few”  (Eccles. 
5 ; 2).  Haste  and  rashness  became  especially  dis- 
credited after  the  bursting  of  that  theological  bubble 
known  in  history  as  the  Pseudo-Messianic  claims 
of  Sabbatai  Zebi.  The  Propositions,  with  the  over- 
emphasis of  the  God-likeness  of  man,  were  only 
allowed  to  stand  so  far  as  God-likeness  demanded 
superior  holiness  on  the  part  of  man  With  a proper 
instinct  the  people  at  large  left  the  Ez  ha-  Chayim 
by  Vital,  with  its  Propositions,  to  the  few,  and  it 
lasted  nearly  two  centuries  till  it  first  appeared  in 
print;  but  his  book  “The  Gates  of  Holiness,”  with 
its  deeply  ethical  contents,  became  at  once  a 
popular  tract,  and  passed  through  many  editions. 
Likewise,  the  Jewish  public  took  but  little  notice  of 
R.  Moses  Chayim  Luzzatto’s  “ One  Hundred  and 
Thirty- Eight  Doors  of  Wisdom”,  but  it  did  appreciate 
at  once  his  noble  “ Path  of  the  Upright  ”,  preaching 
morality  and  holiness.  The  book  is  constantly  going 


282 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


through  new  editions,  and  in  certain  parts  of  the  East 
there  are  special  “Path  of  the  Upright  Societies” 
devoted  to  the  study  of  this  book.  The  Safed  influence 
is  especially  marked  on  the  devotional  works  of  R. 
Isaiah  Horwitz,  R.  Aaron  Kaydanower,  and  R.  Elijah 
Cohen,  which  works  became  the  common  spiritual  good 
of  the  people.  Their  morality  is  austere,  their  tone 
sombre,  and  their  demands  on  man’s  religious  capa- 
bilities exacting.  All  this  is  traceable  enough  in  the 
work  of  the  Safed  penitents.  They  certainly  have  not 
erred  on  the  line  of  self-complacency  and  self-righteous- 
ness. They  warn  man  not  to  behave  “as  so  many 
fools  do,”  who  are  so  over-confident  of  their  salvation 
because  they  are  engaged  in  their  trade  the  whole  day, 
recite  punctually  the  three  prescribed  prayers  for  the 
day,  and  neither  steal  nor  rob  nor  commit  any  other 
acts  of  gross  immorality,  and  harm  nobody.  These  are 
cheap  virtues,  according  to  our  moralists,  of  which  even 
the  Gentiles  are  not  devoid,  and  which  one’s  neigh- 
bours from  motives  of  self-preservation  would  compel 
one  to  observe.  What  justifies  man  to  entertain  exalted 
hopes  of  the  “world  to  come”  is,  according  to  the 
stern  moralists,  the  minute  observance  of  the  Law  in 
all  its  details  “in  great  love,”  the  constant  increasing 
in  the  quality  of  saintliness,  the  possession  of  the 
quality  to  please  God  and  man,  and  the  readiness  to  give 
up  his  life  in  perfect  joy  for  the  sake  of  the  love  of 
God.  On  the  other  hand,  they  have,  as  indicated 
above,  retained  enough  of  the  Safed  emphasis  of  the 
God-likeness  of  man  to  disregard  in  the  end  the 


SAFED 


283 


dualism  of  flesh  and  spirit,  a conception  un-Jewish  in 
its  origin,  and  now  revived  only  under  a mistaken 
notion  of  “ spirituality.”  In  spite  of  the  ascetic  teach- 
ings, with  their  depreciation  of  the  “turbid  body,”  to  be 
threatened  by  the  terrors  of  hell  and  cajoled  by  the 
joys  of  paradise,  they  were  thus  able  to  insist  upon  the 
holiness  of  the  flesh  ( Kedushath  ha-  Guph ) and  upon  its 
purity  as  much  as  upon  that  of  the  soul,  as  well  as  to 
accord  to  the  flesh  a share  in  the  bliss  to  come,  held 
out  to  man  as  a consequence  of  a holy  and  religious 
life,  which  a supercilious  philosophy  entirely  denied.165 

Caro  passed  away  in  1575,  Trani  five  years  later 
(1580).  The  decline  of  Safed  soon  set  in.  Samson 
Bak,  who  travelled  in  Palestine  in  1588,  was  com- 
pelled to  leave  Safed  for  Jerusalem  on  account  of  the 
distress  which  had  overtaken  the  former  city  at  that 
period.  R.  Isaiah  Horwitz,  who  settled  in  Palestine 
soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
describes  the  Jerusalem  population  as  richer  in  num- 
bers than  that  of  Safed.166 

The  men  who  succeeded  Caro  and  Loria  were,  for 
the  most  part,  their  disciples.  R.  Moses  Galanti,  an 
ordained  disciple  of  Caro  and  an  adherent  of  Loria, 
R.  Yomtob  Zahalon,  described  as  the  head  of  the  city 
of  Safed  and  of  the  Yeshibah,  and  R.  Joseph  Trani,  the 
son  of  R.  Moses  Trani,  who  obtained  in  later  life 
even  more  distinction  than  his  famous  father,  seem  to 
be  the  most  prominent  names  of  this  period.  At  least 
this  is  the  impression  we  receive  from  their  Responsa 


284 


STUDIES  IN  JUDAISM 


collections,  in  which  they  figure  as  men  of  weight  and 
authority.  They  still  meet  in  the  general  board;  and 
in  a document  giving  the  minutes  of  such  a meeting 
dating  from  the  first  decade  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
we  have  the  signatures  of  not  less  than  twenty  Rabbis, 
with  some  of  whom  we  made  acquaintance  in  the  former 
pages.  Mention  is  also  made  of  a rabbi  Joshua  ben 
Nun,  who  is  described  as  the  Chief  Rabbi  and  the  head 
of  all  the  heads  of  the  colleges,  and  who  was,  besides, 
the  administrator  of  all  the  charities  of  the  city.  The 
old  devotion  to  the  study  of  the  Torah  and  the  occu- 
pation with  mystical  literature  are  still  continued.  After 
they  finished  their  prayers,  the  whole  congregation 
formed  themselves  into  groups,  listening  to  lectures  on 
such  subjects  as  Bible,  Halachah,  Hagadah,  or  the 
Zohar,  so  that  none  left  the  Synagogue  to  go  to  business 
before  he  gave  some  time  to  study.  The  fifth  day  in  the 
week  (Thursday)  seems  to  have  been  a special  day  of 
devotion,  when  they  would  all  gather  in  one  big  syna- 
gogue to  pray  for  Israel  and  to  bless  those  who  sent 
support  for  the  poor  of  the  Holy  Land.  The  service 
would  conclude  with  a sermon  by  Galanti  and  other 
men  distinguished  for  their  humility  and  saintliness.  It 
is  not  impossible  that  this  synagogue  was  the  one  built 
by  a wealthy  man  in  Constantinople  in  memory  of  Loria, 
and  richly  endowed  by  him. 167  None,  however,  was 
sufficiently  great  to  make  his  authority  felt  in  such 
a way  as  to  give  him  any  real  prominence  over  his 
contemporaries.  Even  Vital’s  authority  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  quite  undisputed.  He  afterwards  left 


SAFED 


285 


Safed  and  died  in  Damascus  in  1620,  and  the  sons  of 
Caro  and  Trani  emigrated  to  Turkey.  The  Chmielnicki 
persecutions  of  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century, 
which  must  have  taxed  the  resources  of  Jewry  to  its 
utmost,  probably  withdrew  a good  deal  of  the  support 
which  Safed  had  received  till  then  for  its  Talmudical 
Colleges;  whilst  the  excesses  of  certain  Cabbalists 
about  the  same  period,  who  joined  pseudo-Messiah 
movements,  must  have  put  a damper  upon  the  zeal 
of  the  mystics  and  the  study  of  mysticism  which  was 
the  special  glory  of  Safed. 

Safed  thus  ceases  to  be  a centre  of  attraction. 
It  decays  slowly,  and  Jerusalem  comes  to  its  rights. 
It  lives  on  the  past,  profiting  by  the  glory  of  Caro, 
Trani,  Loria,  and  Cordovero.  Even  to-day  the  Syna- 
gogue of  Caro  and  the  Synagogue  of  Loria  form  the 
main  sights  in  Safed.  But  it  is  not  any  longer  the 
Safed  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


APPENDIXES 


APPENDIXES 


The  following  two  Appendixes  bear  upon  the  subject  of  the 
ninth  essay,  “ Safed  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  ” — A City  of  Legists 
and  Mystics.”  In  Appendix  A are  published,  for  the  first  time, 
from  manuscripts,  four  lists  of  moral  precepts  and  usages  ob- 
served by  the  saints  of  Safed,  in  some  cases  by  the  community 
at  large.  They  throw  important  light  upon  the  spiritual  history 
of  the  community  in  that  century,  and  they  are  often  referred 
to  in  the  Notes  on  this  essay.  These  four  lists  were  composed 
by  R.  Moses  Cordovero,  Abraham  Galanti,  Abraham  Halevi, 
and  Moses  of  HN'I'S  (Lieria?).  The  first  three  are  famous 
names,  and  occur  often  in  our  text,  whilst  Moses  of  nN'T^  is 
known  only  by  a reference  to  him  in  the  Responsa  of  R. 
Abraham  de  Boton,  in  connexion  with  a money  litigation,  where 
he  is  called  Chacham.  Three  of  these  lists  are  reproduced 
from  a manuscript  in  the  Library  of  the  Jewish  Theological 
Seminary  of  America,  whilst  the  first  was  copied  from  MS.  C 81 2, 
X893,  bearing  the  title  Likkute  Shos/ianim,  in  Columbia  Univer- 
sity Library,  containing  only  this  list,  but  in  a better  text.  On 
the  other  hand,  there  are  missing  in  it  the  last  five  precepts, 
which  were  supplied  from  the  Seminary  MSS.  They  are  indi- 
cated by  square  brackets. 

Appendix  B forms  an  attempt  to  furnish  a list  of  the  names 
of  the  sages  and  the  saints  of  Safed  in  the  sixteenth  century, 
not  all  of  whom  could  well  be  brought  into  the  text.  It  is  im- 
possible to  adhere  rigidly  to  the  date,  and  there  occur  names  of 
persons  who  come  to  the  front  in  the  first  two  or  three  decades 
of  the  seventeenth  century,  after  the  disappearance  of  Caro, 
Trani,  Cordovero,  and  Loria.  But  as  they  were  more  or  less 
connected,  either  as  disciples  or  followers  of  the  authorities  just 
mentioned,  and  certainly  had  already  reached  the  meridian  of 
life  when  the  seventeenth  century  broke  upon  them,  we  have  a 
right  to  include  them  in  this  list.  Others,  again,  came  to  Safed 
only  in  their  old  age,  or  they  may  have  stayed  there  only  for  a 
time,  but  they  all  contributed  to  the  fame  of  Safed  in  that  cen- 
tury. The  sources  used  are  the  regular  biographic  and  biblio- 


290 


APPENDIXES 


graphic  authorities,  such  as  Conforte,  Sambari,  Azulai,  Michael, 
to  which  general  references  are  given.  In  other  cases,  references 
are  given  to  Responsa  and  to  the  Diary  of  Vital,  and  to  the 
book  D'bubj*  In  questionable  cases,  the  doubt  is  indicated  by 
a query.  Of  course,  this  list  is  to  be  considered  as  a mere 
attempt.  It  is  impossible  to  obtain  certainty  in  all  cases,  for 
there  occur  in  the  Responsa  names  connected  with  Safed  for 
which  there  is  really  no  authority  that  they  ever  lived  in  this 
place,  their  opinions  having  been  obtained  through  correspond- 
ence with  the  Safed  Rabbis. 

LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS 

Occurring  in  Appendix  B (pp.  302-6)  and  in  the  Notes  on 
“Safed  in  the  Sixteenth  Century  ” (pp.  317-28) 

An.  Jb.  Letter  by  an  anonymous  traveller,  published  in  the 
Jahrbuch  fur  die  Gesch.  des  Juden. , vol.  3.  Leipzig,  1863. 
Az.  or  Azulai.  Chayim  Joseph  David  Azulai. — D'blUn  DKb 
Azkari.  Eliezer  b.  Moses  Azkari. — Dmn  1DD  (ed.  Warsaw, 
1879). 

Bertinoro.  Letters  of  travel  by  R.  Obadiah,  of  Bertinoro, 
published  in  the  Jahrbuch  f Hr  die  Gesch.  des  Juden .,  vol. 
3.  Leipzig,  1863. 

Calimani.  R.  Baruch  b.  Simchah  Calimani. — Introduction  to 
the  Commentary  of  R.  Moses  Alsheich  to  the  Pentateuch 
(Venice,  1601). 

Caro  I.  R.  Joseph  Caro — Responsa. — TOD  DpDX. 

Caro  II.  Responsa  on  ':n  (ed.  Mantua,  1730). 

Chabib.  R.  Levi  Aben  Chabib.— Responsa  (Venice,  1565). 
Ch.Y.  D'D'  man,  ascribed  to  Nathan  of  Gaza;  but  see  also 
D’Dan  1123  by  Menahem  Mendel  Heilperin  (ed.  Livorno, 
1762-4). 

Con.  or  Conforte.  David  Conforte. — nnnn  Klip  (ed.  Cassel). 

Frumkin.  Arye  Low  Frumkin.— 1 |2X- 

Ghirondi.  Samuel  Mordecai  Ghirondi,  partial  author  of 

btotn  'bn:  nnbin. 

b"3-  D'buban  1DD  (Przemysl,  1875). 


APPENDIXES 


291 


Kahana.  David  Kahana. — spj  ptf- 

Kaydanower.  R.  Zebi  b.  Aaron  Samuel  Kaydanower. — 

x”n  np. 

Mi.  Heimann  Joseph  Michael. — D"nn  “llK  (Frankfort,  1891). 

MM.  D'lB'D  “PJtD,  by  Caro  (ed.  Wilna,  1879). 

MN.  D'D'J  nunn  12D  (Constantinople,  1720). 

Pardes.  Moses  b.  Jacob  Cordovero. — D'JIOT  DTD. 
Rabinowitz.  Saul  Pinchas  Rabinowitz. — n*?13  'NV1D  (Warsaw, 

1894). 

Radbaz  (usually  abbreviated  T'l'l'l).  David  b.  Solomon 
Abi  Zimra. — Responsa. 

Samb.  or  Sambari.  “ Mediaeval  Jewish  Chronicles  ” (ed.  Neu- 
bauer,  Oxford,  1887). — Containing  also  extracts  of  the 
Chronicles  of  Joseph  b.  Isaac  Sambari,  pp.  115-162. 
Schwarz.  plKn  JI’lK'lDin,  by  Joseph  Schwarz  (ed.  A.  M. 
Luncz,  Jerusalem,  1900). 

SG.  Moses  ben  Jacob  Cordovero.  *1QD,  Venice,  1600. 

Sh.  J.  Baruch  (Jacob  b.  Moses  Chayim). — 'fiaE?  (con- 
taining also  a traveller’s  account  of  Palestine,  in  1522,  by 
an  anonymous  author.  Livorno,  1785). 

Shlomel.  R.  Solomon  b.  Chayim  Meinsterl,  better  known  as 
Shlomel. — nxn  together  with  the  D"K>  (Li- 

vorno, 1790). 

Trani.  R Moses  b.  Joseph  of  Trani. 

Vital.  R.  Chayim  b.  Joseph  Vital. — SxtD’ll  O'TI  '1  Tilt? 
(Ostrog,  1826). 


APPENDIX  A 


292 


onain 

n"rMi  p"B*in  'nbxn  ktk  nwn  -on 
r6  m am  Di«n  DniN  nwp  ~\m 

•□nm 

sb^  nmp  nan  min  nans  lambo  lab  niB’  bx  'x 
iab  xn’ty  ’aa  nixoai  mvu  nivo  mmno  pm  ’i:s  lab  xm 

.ni’a^b  pena 

nvvay  noa  mb  mxb  x’ao  Dyant?  bba  Diya’  xbE>  'a 
d:s  py  by  mira  b"n»  nyr  aaai  n"y-iDD  i"p  arabi  xxi 
piDEai  Pi  isxa  noeo  ati’x  mxn  p cab  lban  piDBa  Dyan 
.D’abyin  p n\r  n::a  i»ip’  ib’BXi  'ui  iexe  it?si  pj-nta 
oniay  injn’i  nnan  oy  anyo  inya  xrv  obiyb 

.nnaa  jnirp  minn  by  onaiyrt  by  ib’sxi  nn:a 
aitoi  nb’ba  xbx  ap'in  bba  ova  p nintyb  xbt?  'a 

.ova  rmt^cy  n"n  D'aiD  d’D’i  ninaK'B  pin 
;nus:>  'jbo  nb'ba  ib’BX  binn  'O’a  pa  at^aa  ayiab  '.a 

.'cob  na 

-naaa  xbx  nbsn  nyaa  D'bca  onaaa  ananb  xbty  '1 

.naaap  naai  nuvo.a  n^yi  min 
.nonai  nna  nny  by  lb’SK  ms  die- by  ’w:  aoib  xbe>  't 
sbx  iDya  nyco  lb’sx  bxatyna  oax  diet  bbp’  xbsy  'n 

.■pmao  naaaxi  “pan’  nrai  “pa*  nanx 
.min  naaa  xbx  ncian  maa  aaa’  xbty  ‘a 
.min  naaa  xbx  ap’yi  bba  xobya  ’b’oa  aaa’  xbt? 

.nia'DD  noob  vr  Til'  xbi  a*  iBi;a  yin  xb  x"- 
ib'sx  mion  pty  ba  nbp  ninay*  nit?  yay*  xbty  a"' 

.ncxa 

'BD  apt’  sow  xbi  pm’  apt?  aaaoi  apt?  nan’  xb^  i"’ 

.pixi  ax  Dvca 


APPENDIX  A 


293, 


jrrbi  nxcrb  or  baa  Donnno  anx  Dy  annnnb  a"’ 

.naiayn  omya 

hew  no  nap  any  baa  'tin  annn  Dy  jmbi  nxcrb  i"o 

>.xnabo  natr  ya  bapbxa'DE'Di  yiapn  baa 
cybao  pia’  mnab  bartr  no  ba  inbana  piab  1"' 

Dna  pao  irxp  "dp  nia'pr  ynaxai  myna  yaaxai  nuicyxa 
.mp  baix  xb  no  ;n  >::ru  vby  nnuv  nratyn 
.natnai  pbam  mbon  nnjo  nban  bbannb  ant.ab  r"’ 
vnnx  r:n  laox’ir  na  an  bipa  pion  naaa  “pah  n"’ 

.nbnaa  nb’D  nixa  nix 

bsr  b’tran  xbi  atra  ptrxa  ora  biaxb  xbcr  anrb  a"' 
ora  mbit  anx  oro  anr  ora  ia  pintro  anrbi  p’  xbi  a^n 

.nivo  naiyDi  n"ai  aio 

maab  pian  pann  by  pipa  pax.a  by  aa«  nb’b  baa  'a 

•nbixj.a  pp  panxosr  rrmiiy  by  dj 
.nivo  miyD  mbit  wan  nitra  naiyD  yinpb  xbsr  x"a 
.rrnn 3 by  aioto  aox'  pron  naaa  naip  bin  Dr  baa  a"a 
natryo  nnx  xmi  bars?  no  ba  nboa  .arntro  anrb  y'a 

.ro’o  nboa  nn^  nv>  xba  am  xmaonn  ’b’D 
nibapo  Drxtr  nima  yaax  onixo  nan'  xbsr  anrb  a"a 
naan  nai  DOX«b  na  Donpjy  na  D’a:n  na  Dm  nratr  oa 

.yan  po-b 

nxom  aox:tr  vnxon  asab  or  baa  npav  jmb  n"a 

.piaa  npava 

Dnaan  rn*  Dorya  nanoa  axo  yotr  nxnpa  pop  vo 

.iaab  by 

mano'  xb’  axaa  W 'so  nainn  nxnp  yiocrb  r"a 

.aaa  dip 

Dr  D’trbtr  naj  anx’  xbi  am  m:  Dbtrb  anrb  n"a 
.nrp  oaipi  nbox  Daip  mamnb  anrb  o"a 
xbi  apn  bax'  xbi  Dnvon  pa  imnnp  aox’  xbp  'b 


294 


APPENDIX  A 


.noynn  oso  *6  nmoES>  naynon  mbit  r nna* 
.ins  'S3  nuynnb  s"b 
nvre*  ns  nD'ybi  na'yb  ba  by  min  nans  nnnnb  a"b 

.D'3DJ3  pm  D"»n  mman  pnp  ioa  bason 
.pDD  nbap  mobn  n:a’o  snpoa  ni'  baa  piayb  :"b 
.nin  na*y  aoa>  njja  D'oys  na’ba'  niobnn  ba  niobb  n"b 
.jno  nns  nbana  ninsbi  mbsnn  baa  niyon  minb  n"b 
nyansa  n:a>a  a'oys  nyanx  a'sivn  na> ba>  nuynnb  v'b 

.nsiana  nt  nn  span  asi  nisipn 
[ .jot  baa  nnann  ay  anipn  jwba  nanb  ] 

[ .nns  moroi  D'pns  'a  pen  nana  snip  ;nba>n  by  'osb  ] 

[ .ina  'sa  moa’o  naa>  b'b  baa  niobb  ] 

[ ♦ynra>  moann  ba  yiaa>  baa  mrnb  ] 

[ .ninsb  ns  by  nvja’o  apns  'a  yiaa>  baa  yn'b  ] 

'"ac  D^npi  □’oic:  d^hjo 

■Y'nniDD  obm  nonn  t roTiDo  ipnjnn 
2"ain  nssn  soth  'tp  vo^;  Dima 

ana mi  ansn  ams  na>y'  na>s  D'nann  nbs 
aipo  an  a'Tobm  B'ewi  a'aox  payno  ayn  ba  n"n  any  's 
aoimnsi  nin'baa  iba  aim  ba  aa>  a'aann  aim  mis  majano  ibb> 
•o  an  nb’pD  jvon  bn:  px  i:oa  by  B'a’oa>  ano  an  nvpboi a"im 
a'snaoi  's  pet  Tin  navy  a'a’ct? m an  xvi'31  uin:a  vra  pmoa* 

.n"a  nia'aa  mis 

nsaa  pmpi  mvna  po'aa’oa'  na>yo  'aox  a*  n"n  b'b  'a 

.mbnn 

aa^snai  nnnao  ioa  nn:o  nbsn  baa  pbam  mbo  pnoo 

.ayn  baa  nr  3 mo 

nianno  maai  nvaja  'naa  pvapno  mvn  nns  nas  any  n 
a'svm  nbnj  nnjo  pbbsnoi  D"aonna  nos  pnp  niabna  pmpi 


APPENDIX  A 


295 


tapb  p»”p»i  dti  D’tann  onxipi  Duma  p’i  nnw  nwion  nityyb 
pidd  b’b  nx»  nb'ax  by  panaoi  nbm  ronpyoi  nionn  nxsi  nnaty 

.mvD  nntyy  n’by  n^yjK>  nvoa 
ni’DJa  "tod  pvapno  ovn  nisn  nnx  nyuan  bin  'n 

.Di'  dv  mix  ptnD»i  pojnnoi  nn^n  tb>  pm  pi 
epD  D’  nynp  ny  pmpi  nb’b  nrana  pnoiy  nos  bv  't  b’b  '1 
niK'pD  D’ntaixi  npian  ny  nnin  bv  nna  puntai  yw  tnnoDty 
nxsa  mono  cyj  bipa  D’noixi  Dn’ban  by  pmaiy  nitypan  di’ddi 

.DnvD»  bxn^’ 

nnx  na’n  rib’b  bra  auiao  noiyn  nmsD  'b’b  ba  't 
lniasy’  picaas?  nnx  nisi  mrrn  ta"o  id  w'w  iut  D’pbx  tdtdd 
nmxb  pyu»BO  noiyn  nmBD  nnx  nr  moto  pniptto  nb’b  ban  lxmi 
mninb  na’n  nmxa  bip  D’O’no  nb’bn  nmx  tod  xw  na’n 
dio’  xb  nn  paot?  w dtd  nbap  Em  it  nb-b  b&  ton  it  na’n  a 
.nitysj  nna  mox  tts?  '’ax  D’niDxn  nan  nnx  nb’b 
’amnsjw  nnx  niys?  'a  ix  nnx  nyt?  dub*  myiasy  any  'n 
bnpi  bnp  ba  ni’Dia  ’naa  D’tfapno  nb’axn  nnx  nb’ba&y  ’ab  nyio 
nvjtfloi  cainai  D’X’dj  nnin  pmpi  nb’bn  ba  dub”  dj’xi  ibtJ>  n"aa 
Dnip  npaa  D’baita  nyn  ba  txi  npan  nix  ny  ’xnpa  nicnni  nnn 
anya  pbaitat?  nb’atan  nabo  max  'a  nmta  xn’xna  nnnty  nban 

.niyiaty 

oba  nat^cbapDi  n"a  nnrybix  nntyb  D'xsi'  E>"y  ba  'd 
bw  jidtbi  cbx  ua  'nb  lan  mono  D’noixi  naE>  n:aa  D’Eoibo 

.nacyn  Dvb  n'Enitato  a"nxi  nas? 
D’aiai  nvDja  ’naa  D’vapnta  ovn  ’vna  non  a 1"’  orb  '’ 
inaoaty  bitaa  ntj»yj  ny  nmxai  ovn  imxaE>  by  DnsDiai  D-aaipi 

.D’un  pnxa  D'bia  ux 

nn’ai  nun  pa  atsn  d’d  bty  jirpp  nnx  bnu  a"ta  any  'x’ 

.iusb  btaio  in»K>  ’Da  no  it 

nee  pmp  DBn  iba  Bi’.n  ba  n"a»  D’xvv  eu’X  a"ta  ova  a"’ 

.a"a  any  ibo  crbaix  dj’xi  min’  taan  jvnu  p 


296 


APPENDIX  A 


'npno  nojn  nb'bn  ba  pm'  p'x  D'niD'an  dv  b'b  J"' 
mabnai  n"'  mab.na  ppDiyi  nb'bn  ba  D■,3C>',  vn  xb  D'bBnn* 
.D'DVDai  ninacm  nnmai  nmy  nmasr 
.D'Tobni  D'Doi  dhmx  pjyn»  n"n  any  n"' 
nin'boi  D'b'nn  nsDa  nb'bn  ba  pup  nan  xjypin  b'b  i"o 

.nsob  33D  pa 

imxppbnoi  nnx  tyaa  pjip  D'bn  'my  ba  ntyyo  mjx  1"' 

.D":yb 

mvo  ptpiyi  nbiD  enxb'p  i»a  pyiy  ntryo  'box  t"' 

.nnxi  nnx  bab  mso  oonui  nnvm 
.D'nnvi  npai  any  niayn  oy  bbannb  n"' 
.anyai  npaa  DOitPxn  nnB’yo  nvnb  o"' 
nana  7'sx  nins  n"DB>  jot  bai  nbsn  }»r  ba  nanb  xbt?  '3 

.min 

ny'ap  amp  js^b  xbtpi  nb'bai  ova  nmnb  D'ny  yupb  x"3 

.nmnb  D'ny 

.baa  mini  by  more  jnbt?n  by  pmpp  ntryo  'box  b>'  a"3 
pa  mana  pa  mix  nyxot?  '»  bab  nibobi  yys  by  niayb  J"a 
.nmatynb  P'y  db>  np"DB>  nixanyainix  -pbinb  xbB>  B>"ai  ntyyoa 
ompi  nan  dib’3  y:m  amp  intooo  ioipa  vn'  bito'b  n"a 

.nxoion  nm  maynb  ypnp  '33  by  "pnnm 
'n  nin"niatb  nmon  by  it  Dmb  in'a  nnso  xvima  n"a 

.vmxDi 

D'no  nnx  bty  10a  D'nn:  pya  \d  myiaan  D'nn:a  nnrnb  i"a 
xb  nptrb  ;iai  'n  npr  xb'a  a'nai  naioaoa  nx  wan  xmb  'xm 

npB’b  xbx  nox 

nw  ny»x  bxntr'  Dy  'n  nna  nyx  n'nan  'nan  nbx 
n"in'  0B>n  paB’n  njja  Dm  nmnb  J'D  cm  ona 'm  anxn  omx 

.mrya  apy'  'pbx  DD"pom  Bnpn 
omn  'nsDa  b"as  ny>yn  ny*y  nivo  p»"pD  nbiJD  'mm  zn  r"a 
rj-ixa  inix  pnooi  omb  xiam  nvn  bao  twin  ir'nn  mityy  'a 


APPENDIX  A 


297 


apan  at^x  papan  ns"  pya  nnb  nxan  nwab  na'b  jaitanvnb 
'»  '"axi  niac’ab  lervaa  nxa  'a  am  maaiy  'a  anaaai  inx 

.p  nitryb  baat?  uya'  ay  xinc? 
naa>  njaa  D’tyaiba  nn:a  anx  nat?  nbapnb  pj.au  &'  n"a 
b'bai  .nba  'xu  nat?  nbapn  b&  avan  a"nxi  on-Eyn  -\'v  paip 
JV3  'anba  'n  nmoai  'n  apaai  nat?  'bb  cpaa  'n  paip  nas? 
.nba  ’oitj'p  a"a  ajja  nay  'aa  D’paa  a"a  aaob  Knapn  iraa 
nx  aiayb  naxnan  pa'  by  nvnb  irnbx  'n  n"a  xj  bar  nnyi 
.a"'ax  .aia  n^yi  yaa  aiDa  'n-  mvi’ 

nnnx  nnon  an 
d":  rara#  dhd  Enn"Dn  ns^n 
□rr dn  'dd  ]vbvr\  Tonn  ]n  i*a  'bw  rbyvb 
•V'it  3"nnn  nsu  atsnn 

n'baa  nn:a  pSSsnaty  D'asy  'xt>  min  ,L?ya  an  anaa  'x 

.“paa  '’axi  orn  ba  D'naa  nn’na  pbani 
(*aayb)  «ibxbanp  D'fcan  ;'axi  n"a  any  nayna  nibnpn  an  'a 
baa  nnaa  D'bbanai  aaan  naynaty  naifcn  "bya  naan  b»  'a 
'a  yia^  baa  D'jynat?  ana  sri  aaxi  pea  nipbai  nyaai  maaa  dp 

.mb'b  'n  D'B' an  nib'b  'ai  d'B’ 
paxb  D'a»v  aiabb  nb'bn  ama  n'aptya  nain  'bya  an  'a 
naan  n'aay  pi  man  pan  by  D’aiai  nasipai  cninty  cacynai 

.aasyan  nv  naityn  pya 

'j  tyn  onaD  'a  ana  a*  a"y  njtra  onaib  nain  "bya  an  '.a 

.'131 

ty"y  aiyi  .tanbty  npb  D'baia  ona^  ’xa*  nain  'bya  naa  '1 

.natrn  ba  naab  c^aibi  bmb  enp  pa  bnanb  pbaia 
D'bapai  naab  D'jyiab  nv  aiyaa  t?"y  D’xxr  nma  naa  a 
aiatai  an  nab  patai  C'bx  aa  'nb  un  aiata  paipi  nat?  "3a 

.nSa  'xia  'aixi  natyn  nvb  an? 
'’Di  n"aa  pi  nnatai  D'bbnai  onaitra  raiaiyD  a baa  'n 


298 


APPENDIX  A 


.nniyD  bnn  D’pnn  'n  nniyD  'in  nny  'do  nnob  niyi  n"'y 
yn  pxn  yxno  ynvx  nmn  nx'Q  nmnoo  n:non  mn  'tn 

.niynvx  'n  nn  pmao 

mntnb  ni'jnn  byi  nvm  mm  bn  by  Dobing  nno  w '> 

.nr  myno  iDonnbi  nnyn  by 
□Tip  nnyn  D'oyn  '3  nnntnn  pbm  pbmx  jno  y'  x"' 

.nmyn  '»'  'ui  nDsn 

D,JB>n",Dl  J"'D  D.TT11331  DH'in  nX  D’X'y»y  Dn»  3”  3"' 
ny  poon  b’nyn  nnm  n'jy  n"3  nmx  n'mjtnn  j»  pan 
.nin'B  non  nmnoi  ninny  non  nyy'y 
noybi  npnbi  nmyb  nny  'xvid  b3  aobiny  nnnn  y’  j"' 

.nbm  inn 

p b3  nn'mi  non  b'b  nvo  pbmx  min  'byn  nr.  n"' 

.nnon  're  non  nn'ornni 

b'bi  npnn  nix  ny  niyny  b'b  nnoib  nnm  'byn  bn  i"n 
.nimbob  x:ynn  b'b  D'op  nyn  pom  p 10m  3":  xjyyin 
.D'n  nmyn  nbsn  mip  npnv  D'nu  n"n  bnn  i"’ 
nbsn  noopi  D'yj  nobb  n:non  D'nnio  nrobo  y'  r"' 

.ninnm 

.w  b'b  bn  nncib  nmn  'byn  non  n"’ 
bn  i"  pmyi  nyn  pbmx  pxy  D'TDn  nmn  'byn  non  tn"' 

.jn'nuiy  byi  pnnn  by  pbnxnoy  yinyn 
n"ncn  nb'nxn  nnyb  mnp  n"n  n'yiyy  nnx  on  non  'n 

.pibn  n:i  piny  jnby  nny  'xvio  pi  ynboi 
D'nntii  noxn  ib’sxi  bbn  pynyj  pxy  nnx  'in  non  x"n 

.nox  nnnb 

mb'b  'ji  C'D'  'i  n:yn  c"n  pnyntn  D'TDn  non  n"n 

.ninipn  nynnxn 

pioD  nnix  n'X'yoi  D.mnn  pmn  moin'i  D'Din'  D'bniD  j"n 

.npnsb 

.pytn  nnxbon  ppmyi  n"n  D'vnpro  jdo  n"nn  n"n 


APPENDIX  A 


299 


peyan  'ba  baappDynainina  naa  Dmpna  pa  n"na  n"3 
mbs  Dra  \ti  'ai  'in  xnn  ny  anaeyn  Dra  'nn  'd  pm  pi 

.'131  X'tyi  J33p  jnip  Dl’  baai  pTO  pnpl  HC’D 

V'sr  h^dTiId  DTtap  n^m  lbw 

Dyam  orn  ba  pmanani  nmaa  pbsni  n’ba  nanb  'x 
inanxi  'n  nxmb  neyai  13b  rby  piyaey  '3  xn  ns  jnnfaey  'x 
ru'x  pbsni  n’ba  napxey  nbsn  ba  '3  onaix  m na'na  oaipnn  'i 
J’bsni  n'baa  nbsnn  nrnai  rrnnx  ppm  bxaDey  asa  nbapna 
Dbiya  nsyiy  onxey  nixani  nmnney  P mby  nbian  man  ib  px 
ba  pban  naa  irxey  <ai  xan  obiyb  niaba  ib  peyiy  ntn 
'n1  nban  asba  xv  onnaey  nbva  anr  mayb  nair  irx  orn 
Dnp  'xiey  bxney*  by  man  Danapai  D'snn  oney  D'yatyey 
dhix  neyip  xm  dvh  baai  nbsn  baa  pbsnn  naani  Din  aisnn 
by  ncy'abn  onyn  "m  nmy  nxi  mr  D'pna  omaba  niDxb  'xity 
.eyxn  bey  pb’an  ibx  rnxiv  npbn  byi  m bey  pban  ibx  in' 
mat  inn  Dmp  nnx  nyey  nmsb  Dr  myaa  naty  oaanb  'a 
epDinb  nnxey  jxaa  n"x  xbx  naxi  xbnacynor  natyn  dv  nx 
n"aey.n  D"rai  'ity  laa  nx  naip  ppD ia  irx  dxi  eynp  by  bina 
maty  mey  aa  mpan  nxm  dx  b"n  D’na  n"D  D'^eyaa  '"iey 
ppDinb  xbx  'b  px  naty  '’bbna  onanaxey  ynn  py  xba  ona'an 
ar  nx  'n  “pai  p by  'xiey  pia  inxma  inDaaa  eynp  by  bina 
p eynr  Dr  myaa  ioaaa  dxi  nx  xbx  naxi  xb  natyn  Dr  natyn 
'’sbi  Dina  eynr  ibbna  dxi  p 'aia  mar  piDa  bey  n"n  '^abi  py 

.ana  na  Dr  nx  mar 

bey  ania  xint  'x  Dya  a"'ai  ninatya  oaab  DHia  eyiabb  ‘i 
'n  nxbab  naim  Daab  epynai  Daab  tyaibty  ’xybx  n"a  min'  'n 
p py  inn  nix  ma  DaaS  '’tyaib  a"n  ninaeya  niaeyjney  'a 
peyiy  naab  peyiyty  naty  bxnty’  onneyx  'i  .'n  inaa  omxa 
nrasy.n  pi  mney  xinty  pna  eyabna  'n  bina  nbyab  raa 
ini'aeyi  'n  natya  mxn  ax  nninty  nmp  D’aty  tyabx  'xiey 


300 


APPENDIX  A 


btoB*pa«n  'pbi  pb  naa  mo  nwb>  D'oma  D'eabnai  D'BB®nc 
ion  ) .nbytab  nsny  ia'N  naab  nta>iy  ia'N  i"n  dni  Dipaa  nasp 
Dy  p"aa  ny  a"'  nbiy  niniNn  Dy  p"aa  nap  nib  tomi  '"cp 
( .D'aab  nnaaviT  ny  baa  aman  idn  nr  bin  a"'  a":  nbiy  nbon 
'naai  nvoaa  'naa  pvapnai  n"i  any  mapa  ppiyp  P 
n"aie>n  DaaD  ieni  pm  nyan  nbana  Dim  am  memo 
rnipan  nn  pm  by  nuD  as?  by  iddh  nma  'in  ps?  nayn 
naynn  oyaa  cmax  py  nw  any  r.N  mnni  'Nat?  pyi  maiy  bin 
'a  ion  ps?ba  men  ns  cnar.n  inn  iainn  na  mmnb  'n 
inn  iabn  anpa  vtrayi  pip  anpa  D"p  saipan  n'as?  pia 
dins?  prat?  'a  naan  caabn  s?aa  Daa  Daa  anp’  'a  din 
Nin  nais?n  nt?iyi  naynn  Nint?  jniai  pnn  p panin  Tiaa  Nain 
[Pa  i"e]  cpm  Nine?  isbx  eyibN  maa  jaiai  inr  Diana 
dii  abna  Diana  sin  ini'tnai  dtidb  sin  ys?m  .D'pbN 

.pn  Dam  Kins? 

nan  matrai  meca  baa  ''s?int?  ns?ya  'spni  D'TDn  s?'  'n 
.DJipb  dps?  din  aammayn  iani  nait?n  aayi  nyaam  pmaa 
by  trpab  nman  ba  by  D'abint?  dps?  'nt  din  aa  m 'i 
npivn  D'aa  ib  iniN  Dana  ay  Nin  dni  nibiDD  on  Nas?mnran 
s?ipa  'b  it?yi  ''s  pi  'iai  n"'bi  ep'bN  Paa  nma  'a  nman  oya> 
nnEbayv  Nin  bNDDt?  ’sb  Dama  maarn  '"is?  n"bi  n"ap  n"nia 
.biva  Nin  nman  naa  invnai  pan  nNan 
oyai  jiN.n  s?nib  yavN  ann  hn'd  D'naa  nana  ana’  'i 
maa  pa  D"na  pa  naa  Nin  naba  nivan  nwat?  'sb  it  mva 
'Pi  nin'  Nine  nm  v'nai  Dii'a’  Dn'Nii  ba  inn  nin'  nws? 
'a  ba  nyi  nbiaa  nws?  ia  Dinn  sriiaan  dw  mn'b  'a  nin' 
wet?a  by  pabis?  nna  naan  nNaia  nma  nx'a  n'aa  ia'NC? 
iidni  lm'  D'bna  D'ayai  nns  n"i  n"mt?n  N"bi  D"a'&?Ni  n"ND 
nivai  nnvn  ann  nN'E  D'n'aa  ns?ya  ’S?aNi  Dn'Dn  baN  onibab 
iy  ibias?  ova  nb'bai  ova  lay  i'an  nms?  niva  iNt?a  na'N  u 
-pn  n"r  D't?n  dn  nin'  ia"n  ;'Ei)  .lay  nabin  imaai  inia  or 


APPENDIX  A 


301 


( .mm  nn  n 

oy&i  ms?n  ma  nys?i  nnyn  n ys?  nbab  xbt?  D'nnrat?  'n 
ibx  nnyt?s?  my  .ns?x  nbBt?  naa  t?ab’  xbt?  Dt?an  mb  it  mva 
ntaaiBnaiym  s?nsb  baix  xbi  Da  '’enp  nnyt?  'aDnmt?nb  nniDx 
fi^ab’1  xb  inn  nt?x  Bt?y  xbt?  inn  ns?xa  babam  mat?a  nxnnat? 

.ni  lxb  py  nnaiyn  nt?x  spaa  babamt?  nt?x  nbat?  naa 
'bmmc?  nyt?B  onano  Da’x  nt?yB  't?axi  DH'on  naat?  'a 
bmnnt?  [nyt?Bt?]  'x  nann  nyoi  nat?b  cby  IBRD’S?  ny  bbsnnb 
Dipaa  n banns?  'a  .nnyn  ay  nanb  mrnb  nxn  px  “[ban  Dy  nanb 
nnrnn  'n  nnrnix  an  pot?  nnx  cay  m by  sin  pnp  'mi  pnp 
Drnnnn  anyai  an  pas?  'an  .t?aa  'n  bx  pnp  inn  nnx  bx  nnx 
Dy  pnn  mo  iavn  Dpbxn  Kin  'n  inn  mamin  oy  pnm  pnn  oy 
ns?ya  isn  ns?npn  bxao  ddbdb  bin  man  nanam  D'annn  nna 
anni  nsannpa  Daab  nmt?  bxas  nt  nvan  ns  -pi  ia  'sat?  n"yna 
-binn  pai  s?npn  pa  bmanbi  pt?ba  bma  mix  jbbi  mix 
Dman  by  Dim  omp  niys?  'a  t?"y  cabins?  onmn  t?'t? 

D^pan  bat?  nat?  nmat?  by  onx  aa  mntnb  nixiaa.n  byi 
:"nn  non  as?n  'a^a  n"as?  inn  nixan  ba  D’p  ib'xa  nat?  nmat? 
a"nn  by  naiys?  paai  pnxi  D’at?  x"nat?  D'pbx  xmt?  i"a  nxt?’ 
ns?y  nm:  miss  minim  miva  yias?b  Dnaxa  nax  ny  'xat?  niva 
.ns  byat?  nmni  anaat?  nnm  mimn  nt?yn  xbi 


302 


APPENDIX  B 


APPENDIX  B 

(For  List  of  Abbreviations  see  pp.  290-1.) 

Aaron  b.  Eleazar  (the  Blind).  Mi.,  p.  147. 

Abraham  'tODDX  ODWlK).  See  Manasseh  b.  Israel’s  Nishmath 
Chayim,  III : 10  ; Caro  I,  124. 

Abraham  de  Boton.  Con.  48  a. 

Abraham  Gabriel.  Con.;  Mi.;  S"2,  88b. 

Abraham  Galanti.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az. 

Abraham  b.  Gedaliah  b.  Asher.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 
Abraham  Halevi  D'31"Q.  Con.;  Az.;  Mi.  (p.  61.  See  references, 
but  confused  there  with  Abraham  Halevi  the  Elder.  Cf. 
Frumkin,  72). 

Abraham  b.  Isaac  Laniado.  Mi.,  no.  145. 

Abraham  b.  Isaac  Zahalon.  Mi. 

Abraham  b.  Jacob  Berab.  Con. 

Abraham  Lachmi.  See  Manasseh  b.  Israel’s  Nishmath  Chayim, 
III:  10. 

Abraham  Shalom  (the  Elder).  Con.  (see  especially  33b.); 
Samb.;  Mi. 

Abraham  Shalom  (the  Younger).  Con.;  Mi.  (p.  122). 
Abraham  b.  Solomon  See  Preface  to  Zechariah  b. 

Saruk’s  Commentary  on  Esther. 

Benjamin  Halevi.  Con.  (p.  49  b. ) (?);  Samb.;  Mi.  (pp. 
280-281). 

Chayim  b Isaac  ~iann.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 

Chayim  Vital.  See  text. 

Chiya  Rofe  (the  physician).  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 

David  Amarillo.  See  Solomon  Adeni,  Introduction  to  his 
Commentary 

David  de  tynotl’Np.  Con.  48  a.  See  Notes. 

David  Cohen.  Vital,  14b. 

David  Habillo.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 

David  Navarro.  Con.;  Samb. 

David  b.  Zechariah  pjn.  See  Mi.,  nos.  718  and  813.  See 
also  Frumkin,  58. 

David  Abi  Zimra.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 

Eliezer  Azkari.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 


APPENDIX  B 


3°3 


Eliezer  Ginzburg,  son-in-law  of  K"D“t.  See  David  Griinhut, 
DID,  title  page. 

Eleazar  b.  Isaac  KPIIK.  Con.;  Az.;  Mi. 

Eleazar  B.  Yochai.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 

Elijah  Falcon.  Con.;  Samb.;  particularly  p.  152;  Az.,  and 
s.  71.  Moses  Alsheich ; Mi.  See  Manasseh  b.  Israel’s 
Nishmath  Chayim,  III : 10. 

Elijah  de  Vidas.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi.  See  also  text. 
Elisha  Gallico.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi.  See  also  Zunz,  In- 
troduction to  De  Rossi,  Me  or  Enayitn. 

Gedaliah  Alkabez.  See  Az.  Cf.  Steinschneider,  Catalogue, 
col.  1002. 

Gedaliah  Cordovero.  Con.;  Mi. 

Gedaliah  Halevi.  Con.  48  a;  identical  with  Vital’s  brother- 
in-law;  see  Vital,  3 a,  and  87  b. 

Isaac  Alfandari.  Con.  46  b. 

Isaac  smx.  Con.,  especially  p.  41  a. 

Isaac  de  Boton.  Con.  48  a. 

Isaac  Cohen.  Vital,  20  a,  23  b;  cf.  Con.  41  a. 

Isaac  Gerson.  Con. 

Isaac  Krispin.  Samb.  152  (?). 

Isaac  Loria.  See  text. 

Isaac  b.  Menahem  JDDD.  See  Neubauer,  Cat.,  no.  411. 

Isaac  Misod.  Con.  36  a.  Perhaps  identical  with  Isaac  b. 

David,  called  “Misod,”  mentioned  by  Trani,  I,  32. 

Isaac  [UCJtQ.  See  Az.;  Abraham  b.  Asher  and  references; 
Con.  (?). 

Ishmael  Halevi  Ashkenazi.  Vital,  14b. 

Israel  Coriel.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az. 

Israel  Saruk.  Con.  46  b ; Az.,  and  sub  Solomon  Loria. 
Issachar  Sasson.  Con.;  Samb. 

Jacob  Abulafiah.  Samb.;  Az.  MN  7b  and  12a.  See,  how- 
ever, Modena,  Ari  Noham , 19  b. 

Jacob  Qn  etc.  Samb.  151  (?). 

Jacob  or  pnD^N  or  DDD1?^.  Vital,  14b;  Samb. 

Jacob  Berab.  See  text. 

Jacob  Berab  (b.  Abraham)  (the  Younger).  Con.;  Samb.  162. 
Jacob  b.  Chayim.  Pref.  to  l7Dty  “ifcO. 


3°4 


APPENDIX  B 


Jacob  Falcon.  Con. 

Jacob  Perhaps  a corruption  of  'iT'3'U.  See  Samb.;  Vital, 

25  a,  151,  and  Azkari,  95. 

Jacob  Sasson.  Con.  48  a. 

Jacob  Zemach.  Con.;  Az. 

Jedidiah  Galanti.  Con.;  Mi. 

Jehiel  Ginzburg.  See  nmj'a  nnDE’D  nr6in,  p.  187. 
Jehudah  b.  Uri  (of  Heidelberg).  See  Caro  II,  62  c. 

Jeremiah  of  Candia.  Con.  48  b. 

Jonathan  Galanti.  Con.  48  a. 

Jonathan  Sagis.  Con.  48a;  Vital,  23b;  b"3,  88a. 

Joseph  Arzin.  Vital,  23b;  b"J,  81a.  Cf.  rD  ]*OND,  by  R. 
Moses  Almosnino,  18  b. 

Joseph  Ashkenazi.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.  Cf.  Kaufmann,  Monats- 
schrift,  vol.  42,  p.  38  seq.,  and  Bloch,  vol.  47,  p.  153. 
Joseph  Barzillai.  Mi. 

Joseph  jn'"6p.  Con.  48  a. 

Joseph  of  (Lieria).  Az.;  Samb. 

Joseph  Sagis.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.  (?). 

Joseph  Sajjah.  Con.;  Az. 

Joseph  Saragossi.  Samb.;  Az. 

Joseph  Skandrani.  Con.  30b;  Az. ; Mi.,  no.  1042. 

Joseph  b.  Tabul.  Con.  40b  and  48a;  Vital,  23b.  Probably 
identical  with  Joseph  Maarabi. 

Joseph  Tibbon.  Con.  41a. 

Joseph  Vital.  Samb.;  Az. 

Joshua  b.  Nun.  Con.;  Az. 

Judah  jyjm  Vital,  23b;  Con.  40b;  88a. 

Lapiduth.  Az.  See  Vital,  1 a. 

Levi  b.  Chabib.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi.  See  also  Frumkin,  30a. 
Menahem  b.  Abraham  Galanti.  Kaydanower,  ch.  15. 
Menahem  ha-Babli.  See  Caro  II,  35  b (?). 

Menahem  Gallico.  Ghirondi,  252. 

Misod  Azulai.  Con.  Perhaps  identical  with  Misod  Maarabi. 

See  Shlomel,  34  b,  and  Con.  40  b. 

Mordecai  ha-Cohen  (author  of  a commentary  on  the  Bible). 
Con.;  Az. 

Mordecai  Dato.  Con.  42  b;  Landshut,  niom  s.n. 


APPENDIX  B 


305 


Moses  Alkabez.  Con.;  Ghirondi,  242. 

Moses  Alsheich.  See  text. 

Moses  Baruch.  Con.;  A z.  See  also  Caro  II,  17a. 

Moses  Basula.  Con.;  Ghirondi,  250.  Cf.  also  Mortara,  p.  7. 
Moses  Cordovero.  See  text. 

Moses  Galanti.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az. 

Moses  Halevi  'pjnD.  Con.;  Samb. 

Moses  b.  Israel  Nagara.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az. 

Moses  Jonah.  Con.  41a;  b'ri,  89  a. 

Moses  b.  Joseph  Trani.  See  text. 

Moses  of  HN'T1?  (Lieria).  Boton,  31  on^,  no.  184. 

Moses  b.  Machir.  Con.;  Az. 

Moses  Mintz.  8Sb  ; Ez  ha-Chayim,  6a.  Cf.  Mi.,  no.  531. 
Moses  Nigrin.  Con.;  Az. ; cf.  also  Ghirondi,  226. 

Moses  Onkeneyra.  Az.  See  Caro  I,  124,  spelled  somewhat 
variously. 

Moses  of  Rome.  See  i/"j 

Moses  Saadya.  Con.;  Samb.  See  also  Caro  II,  17a.  Cf 
Vital,  12  b,  15  b. 

Pharez  Colobi.  See  text. 

Sabbatai  Manasseh.  Samb.;  cf  Caro  I,  124,  and  b"3,9i  a. 
Samuel  Biagi.  See  Manasseh  b.  Israel's  Nishmath  Chayim. 
Samuel  Gallico.  Con.;  Az. 

Samuel  b.  Shem  Tob  Atiya.  Con.;  Samb.  See  Frumkin,  51. 
Samuel  de  Useda.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az. 

Samuel  Verga.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az. 

Shem  Tob  Atiya.  Con. ; Az. 

Simon  Ashkenazi.  See  Peri  Ez  Chayim. 

Solomon  JfcODUK.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.  See  also  Jewish  Quar- 
terly Review,  IX,  p.  269. 

Solomon  Adeni.  See  his  Introduction  to  his  Commentary 

to  the  Mishnah  (Wilna,  1887).  For  this  reference  I am 
obliged  to  Dr.  L.  Ginzberg. 

Solomon  Alkabez.  See  text. 

Solomon  Cohen.  Con.  48  a. 

Solomon  Sagis.  Con.;  Az. 

Solomon  V^'TD.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.  Cf.  Frumkin,  44. 
Solomon  b.  Yakar.  Chabib,  Responsa,  322  a. 


3°6 


APPENDIX  B 


Sulaiman  b.  N3niX.  Con.;  variously  spelled.  See  especially 
p.  42a,  and  Cassel’s  note;  Samb.;  Az.  D i,  identical  with 
the  writer  of  the  same  name  known  by  his  notes  to  the 
Siphre  and  the  Mechilta.  Cf.  Pardo’s  Preface  to  his 
commentary  to  the  Siphre. 

Tobiah  Halevi.  Con.;  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 

Yomtob  Zahalon.  Con.;  Az. 

Zechariah  b.  Solomon  b'KOld  (father-in-law  of  Caro). 
Differently  spelled  by  various  authors.  Samb.;  Az.;  Mi. 
(p.  364).  Cf.  also  Frumkin,  59. 


NOTES 


NOTES 

A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 

I 

1  Published  in  The  Times,  London,  August  3,  1897,  and  in  The 
Sunday  School  Times,  Philadelphia,  about  the  same  date. 

A HOARD  OF  HEBREW  MANUSCRIPTS 

II 

1 Most  of  the  contents  of  this  article,  written  when  the  exami- 
nation of  the  Genizah  had  been  proceeding  for  several  months, 
were  published  in  The  Jewish  Chronicle,  London,  October  15, 
1897,  and  April  1,  1898. 

2 See  above,  page  9 seq. 

’See  below,  page  41  seq. 

THE  STUDY  OF  THE  BIBLE 

1 Given  as  Inaugural  Lecture  on  my  appointment  as  Professor 
of  Hebrew  in  University  College,  London,  January  26,  1899. 

2 See  Barth,  Etymologische  Studien,  p.  14  seq. 

3 Berachoth , 61  a. 

‘Several  more  editions,  embodying  also  fragments  of  Ben 
Sira  that  have  come  to  light  since  the  article  was  written,  have 
been  added.  It  should  be  noted  that  doubts  were  also  ex- 
pressed since  then  against  the  authenticity  of  these  fragments, 
but  those  who  raised  these  doubts  were,  with  the  exception 
of  two  or  three  students,  hardly  justified  to  speak  about  the 
matter.  One  of  them  even  confessed  that  he  did  not  study  the 
question.  His  objections  were  probably  on  general  principles 
to  object  to  everything,  whilst  the  doubts  which  came  from  the 
two  or  three  serious  students  were  refuted  in  ever  so  many  bro- 
chures and  articles  in  learned  papers.  The  consensus  of  the 
great  majority  of  scholars  in  America,  England,  France,  Ger- 
many, and  even  Russia,  who  did  study  the  question  thoroughly 
and  most  carefully  examined  all  the  evidence  pro  and  contra , is 
in  favour  of  the  authenticity  of  these  discovered  fragments. 


3io 


NOTES 


PP-  54-79 


'See  “The  Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira,’’  edited  by  S.Schechter  and 
C.  Taylor  (Cambridge,  England),  1899.  See  especially  Intro- 
duction; pp.  7 to  38,  where  the  arguments  advanced  in  these  last 
pages  are  given  more  fully. 

A GLIMPSE  OF  THE  SOCIAL  LIFE  OF  THE  JEWS  IN 
THE  AGE  OF  JESUS  THE  SON  OF  SIRACH 

1 Lecture  delivered  at  the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary  of 
America,  in  the  series  of  Public  Lectures,  Academic  Year 
1904-1905. 

2 See  above,  p.  41  seq. 

3 See  above,  p.  47. 

4 See  Ben  Sira,  original  Hebrew,  51 : 23. 

5 See  Mishnah  Aboth,  IV,  13,  and  Aboth  d.  Rabbi  Nathan,  I,  31. 

8  See  2 Maccabees,  IV,  14. 

7 See  2 Maccabees,  VI,  19,  and  1 Maccabees,  I,  62,  63,  and  II,  42. 

8 See  Bechoroth,  29  a,  of  Derech  Erez  Zuta  IV,  of  which  the 
text  is  a paraphrase. 

9 See  Dr.  Edersheim’s  Introduction  to  his  commentary  on 
Ecclesiasticus  in  the  Speaker’s  Bible. 

10  So  Revised  Version.  Cf.  also  Ryssel  in  Kautzsch’s  Apo- 
crypha, on  this  verse.  The  sense  probably  is  that  they  pray  for 
the  prosperity  of  their  work. 

11  See  also  Syr.  Version. 

12  See  Kiddushin,  82  a. 

13  See  original  Hebrew,  ed.  Schechter-Taylor,  and  notes. 

14  See  Baba  Kama,  no  b. 

15  Pesachim,  57  a. 

16  See  Bechoroth,  26  b.  It  should,  however,  be  remarked  that 
according  to  Siphre,  145  a (ed.  Friedmann),  the  majority  of  the 
priests  were  well  off.  I am  inclined  to  think  that  this  latter 
statement  must  be  confined  to  certain  places  and  certain  ages. 

17  See  Bechoroth,  45  a. 

18  See  Baba  Kama,  85  b. 

19  The  originality  of  Ben  Sira  can  be  maintained  only  by 
assuming,  with  Botticher,  Dillmann,  and  others,  that  the  YSJT, 
the  “rich”  of  Isaiah  (53  : 9),  is  a corruption  of  in  “evil- 
doers,” or  pt*fy,  “oppressor.”  In  this  case  Ben  Sira  would 
be  the  first  to  identify  the  Ytfdf  with  the  run. 


pp.  81-103 


NOTES 


311 


20  See  Sukkah , 49  b. 

21  See  Aboth  d.  Rabbi  Nathan , ed.  Schechter,  II,  15,  text  and 
notes. 

23  See  Edersheim’s  commentary  to  these  passages. 

23  See  Sanhedrin,  23  a. 

21  See  Shabbath,  n a. 

25  See  Tosefta  Berachoth,  6,  and  references  and  the  commen- 
taries to  it.  Cf.  Aruch,  s.  v.  TpD,  and  Friedmann  in  his  work  on 
the  Agadah  of  Passover,  p.  20  seq. 

26  See  Tosefta  Berachoth,  ed.  Zuckermandel,  ch.  4. 

27  Tosefta  Berachoth,  ch.  7. 

28  See  Sirach,  XXXII,  n,  original  Hebrew,  and  Ta'anith,  5 b. 

29  See  Berachoth,  63  b. 

30  See  Leopold  Low,  Gesammelte  Schriften,  III,  407. 

31  Nazir,  4 b. 

32  See  Sanhedrin,  38  a. 

33  See  Aboth  d.  Rabbi  Nathan , II,  31. 

34  See  Ta'anith , I,  23  a. 

35  See  Aboth,  I,  6,  and  Aboth  d.  Rabbi  Nathan,  I,  8. 

36  See  Siphre,  93  b,  and  references  given  there. 

37  See  Yebamoth,  61  a,  and  Graetz,  Geschichte,  III : 444. 

38  There  is  strong  doubt  about  this  verse.  See  Ryssel’s  com- 
mentary on  Die  Spriiche  Jesus , etc.,  26 : 18. 

39  See  Kiddushin , 30  b. 

40  See  Kethuboth , 59.  See  also  Tosefta  Kethuboth,  5.  Cf. 
Maimonides,  Mishneh  Torah,  Hilchoth  Ishuth,  21,  and  com- 
mentaries. 

41  See  Midrash  Rabbah  to  Lamentations,  I,  4. 

42Jerusalein  Talmud,  Peah,  III,  9,  Nedarim,  40,  and  Tractate 

Semachoth  Zutarti,  ed.  Horowitz,  and  reference  given  there. 

43  See  Nedarim,  40  a. 

ON  THE  STUDY  OF  THE  TALMUD 

1 Paper  read  before  the  Hebrew  class  at  University  College, 
London,  October  19,  1899. 

2 In  connexion  with  this  work  I should  like  to  call  the  atten- 
tion of  students  to  Das  letzte  Passahniahl  Christi  U7id  der  Tag 
seines  Todes,  by  Professor  D.  Chwolson  (St.  Petersburg,  1892), 
a work  which,  for  the  depth  of  its  Rabbinic  learning  and  the 


312 


NOTES 


pp.  106-122 


critical  acumen  displayed  in  it,  has  hardly  its  equal.  It  is,  in- 
deed, so  far  as  I know,  the  first  attempt  to  treat  what  one  may 
call  the  Halachic  part  of  the  New  Testament  with  the  thorough- 
ness and  devotion  usually  bestowed  only  on  doctrinal  points. 
*Cf.  rnjio,  p.  45,  nnrn. 

4 Lev.  Rabbah , I. 

5 See  especially  the  Midrash  Lekach  Tob,  ad  loc. 

* Cant.  Rabbah , ad  loc. 

7 Ibid. 

8 Pesikta  Rabbathi  (ed.  Friedmann),  p.  36,  text  and  notes. 

9 Shibbole  Halleket,  145  a. 

10  B.  T.  Baba  Mezia,  45  a,  and  parallel  passages. 

11 B.  T.  Sanhedrin , 39  a. 

12Jer.  T.  Sukkah,  55  a. 

13  Mishnah  Yoma,  VIII,  9. 

14  Cant.  Rabbah , I,  and  parallel  passages. 

15  Cant.  Rabbah , ibid. 

15  B.  T.  Sanhedrin , 95  a. 

17  B.  T.  Chagigah,  15  a,  and  parallel  passages. 

18  B.  T.  Berachoth,  3 a. 

19  See  Low,  Gesammelte  Schri/ten,  II,  p.  58,  note  1.  A good 
essay  on  the  subject  is  still  a desideratum. 

70  Num.  Rabbah,  XI V,  and  parallel  passages. 

21  Lev.  Rabbah , XXI. 

22Jer.  T.  Sotah,  22  a. 

25  Chapters  of  R.  Eliezer,  XLIV,  but  see  also  B.  T.  Yoma , 22  b. 

24  See  Perek  R.  Meir. 

25  B.  T.  Chagigah,  15  a. 

26 Pesikta  (ed.  Buber),  p.  162  seq. 

27  B.  T.  Baba  Mezia , 59  a. 

28  Torath  Kohanim  (ed.  Weiss),  91  b. 

29  See  Pesikta  Rabbathi,  124  b. 

80  B.  T.  Sanhedrin,  34  a. 

31  Mechilta,  3 a,  6 a,  etc. 

32  Tatichuma , JUDD- 

53  Yalkut,  I,  § 766.  See  Dr.  Taylor’s  Sayings  of  the  Jewish 
Fathers,  2d  ed.,  p.  160. 

34  See  Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  VI,  pp.  419  and  634,  for 
references. 


pp.  122-141 


NOTES 


313 


35  Yalkut,  ibid.;  Genesis  Rabbah,  I,  and  Cant.  Rabbah,  VIII. 

36  Cant.  Rabbah , VII;  Num.  Rabbah , II;  Siphre  (ed.  Fried- 
mann), 143  a ; and  Rashi’s  Commentary  to  Cant.  V,  9. 

37  B.  T.  Chagigah , II,  and  the  Jerusalem  Talmud,  ibid. 

THE  MEMOIRS  OF  A JEWESS  OF  THE  SEVEN- 
TEENTH CENTURY 

1 Die  Memoiren  der  Gliickel  von  Hameln , 1645-1719.,  lier- 
ausgegeben  von  Professor  Dr.  David  Kaufmann  (Frankfort,  J. 
Kauffmann,  1896). 

2 Diary,  p.  24. 

3 Ibid.  pp.  24  and  25. 

4 Ibid.  pp.  26  and  27. 

6  Ibid.  pp.  36  and  37. 

6 Ibid.  p.  57  seq. 

7 Ibid.  p.  58. 

8 Ibid.  pp.  59  and  60. 

9 Ibid.  pp.  61,  62,  63,  and  66. 

10  Ibid.  pp.  66  and  67. 

11  Ibid  pp.  68  and  69. 

12  Ibid,  p.  125. 

13  Ibid.  p.  74. 

14 Ibid.  pp.  108,  hi,  1 13,  and  116. 

15  Ibid.  p.  121. 

16  Ibid.  p.  57. 

17  Ibid.  p.  235. 

18  Ibid.  p.  80  seq. 

19  Ibid.  pp.  145-148. 

20  Ibid.  p.  24. 

21  Ibid.  p.  34. 

22  Ibid.  p.  264. 

23  See  Monatsschrift,  XXXIV,  p.  145  seq. 

24  See  Diary,  p.  26. 

25  See  ibid.  p.  1 seq. 

26  Ibid.  pp.  6 and  7. 

27  Ibid.  p.  8. 

28  Ibid.  p.  13. 

29  Ibid.  p.  125. 

30  Ibid.  p.  272.  For  similar  passages,  seepp.  93, 89, 121, 172,  etc. 


314 


NOTES 


pp.  Hi-155 


31  Ibid.  pp.  5,  6,  and  13. 

32  Ibid.  p.  141. 

83  Ibid.  p.  133.* 

34  Ibid.  p.  185. 

85  Ibid.  pp.  4-15. 

36  Ibid.  p.  2. 

37  Ibid.  p.  18. 

38  Ibid.  pp.  17  and  82. 

39  Ibid.  p.  136. 

40  Ibid,  p 15. 

41  Ibid.  p.  125. 

42  Ibid.  pp.  18  and  19. 

43  Ibid.  p.  277. 

44  Ibid.  p.  274. 

45  Ibid.  p.  275. 

46  Ibid.  pp.  296-303. 

47  Ibid.  pp.  312  and  321. 

SAINTS  AND  SAINTLINESS 
1 Delivered  in  the  Course  of  Public  Lectures  of  the  Jewish 
Theological  Seminary  of  America,  February  9,  1905. 

I Kethuboth,  17  a.  A fair  collection  of  references  to  Rabbinic 
Literature  regarding  the  expressions  Chasid  and  Chesed  is  to 
be  found  in  the  Sefer  Chasidim,  Parma,  p.  240,  note  1. 

3 Rabbi  Bachye  ben  Bakodah,  nunbn  lYDin,  ch.  9;  by 
Maimonides,  ch.  4 and  ch.  6.  Cf.  Schechter,  Jewish  Quarterly 
Review,  X,  pp.  8-12,  quotations  given  there  in  the  text  and  notes- 

4 See  R.  Moses  Chayim  Luzzatto,  D'DH”  n^'DO,  ed.  Wilna, 
p.  48,  something  of  this  definition. 

5 See  Midrash  to  Psalms,  149. 

6 See  Schultz,  ‘‘ Old  Testament  Theology,”  II,  p.  80. 

7 See  ibid. 

8 Baba  Kama , 30  a. 

9* 10  See  above,  p.  9. 

II  See  Kuzari,  ed.  Sluzki,  p.  61 ; n"NU2,  113,  on  TDSCf'X  'TDH. 
13  See  Berachoth , 30  b and  32  b. 

13  See  Sotah,  40  a ; T.  J.  Berachoth , 4 d. 

14  T.  J.  Berachoth , 7 d. 

15  T.  J.  ibid.  See  the  end  of  the  prayer  of  R.  Tanchum. 


pp.  155-166 


NOTES 


3i5 


16  See  Midrash  to  Ps.,  ch.  76. 

17  Berachoth , 3 b. 

18  See  Bachye,  ed.  Sluzki,  127  a. 

19  See  P'X  '“lUt?',  a liturgical  collection  very  popular  in  the 
East. 

20  Abraham  Lincoln , Complete  Works,  vol.  II,  p.  661. 

21  See  Kuzari,  ibid. 

22  See  Bezah,  16  a. 

23  Kuzari , 62  b. 

24  See  Pesikta  Rabbalhi,  117  b. 

25  See  Shabbath,  150  b,  and  Pesikta  Rabbalhi,  116  b. 

26See  Shabbath,  12  b. 

27  See  Life  and  Conversations  of  R.  Nachman  of  Braslaw. 

28  See  Kuzari,  59  a. 

29  Yebamoth , 20  a. 

30  See  his  commentary  to  Leviticus,  19  : 2. 

31  See  below,  p.  216. 

32  See  Mishnah  Ta'anith,  IV,  3. 

33  See  riDDn  JVWl  by  R.  Elijah  de  Vidas,  especially  the 
chapters  on  Holiness  and  Repentance.  See  also  below,  p.  245. 

34  See  D1K  mbin,  by  Ezekiel  Feivel  ben  Zeeb,  containing 
the  life  of  that  Rabbi. 

35  See  Aboth,  V : 4. 

36  See  Little  Sefer  Chasidim  (page  13  a),  by  Rabbi  Moses 
Cohen  ben  Eliezer,  printed  in  Warsaw,  1866.  Cf.  Guedemann, 
Geschichte  des  Erzielmngswesens,  etc.,  Ill,  p.  212. 

37  See  D’p’Tf  mmiX  (Konigsberg),  p.  41  a. 

"min  ’DlpS,  by  Rabbi  Mordecai  of  Czernobile,  Lemberg, 
1867,  p.  6 b. 

39  See  DJ1J3  nmo  of  Rabbi  Pinchas,  of  Korzek,  26  b.  To  be 
quoted  hereafter  as  M.  P. 

40  See  M.  P.  27  a. 

41  See  Baba  Kama,  30  a. 

42  See  Jlt^Sn  JVVDtP,  Warsaw,  1884,  where  all  the  Rabbinic 
references  on  this  point  will  be  found. 

43  Makkoth,  24  a.  Cf.  also  Rashi’s  commentary. 

44 J.  T.  Terumoth,  46  c. 

45  See  Ecclesiastes  Rabbah,  and  Sefer  Chasidim,  44. 


NOTES 


pp.  167-181 


316 


«ntsmpn  njw,  Rabbi  Chayim  Vital,  Warsaw,  1876,  p.  9 a., 
to  be  quoted  in  this  article  as  Vital. 

47  See  Vital,  15  a. 

48  See  M P.  21  b. 

49  See  Horodetzky,  Hashiloah,  XV,  167. 

60  See  M.  P.  21  b and  24  b. 

51  Vital,  17  a. 

62  Vital,  9 a. 

53  See  Aboth,  IV : 4. 

54  Derech  Erez  Zuta,  10. 

65  M.  P.  22  a. 

66  See  Vital,  p.  13  a,  who  introduces  this  passage  with  non, 
whilst  the  whole  style  proves  it  to  be  a Midrash.  Cf.  Shab- 
bath,  31a,  but  it  forms  no  exact  parallel  passage. 

57  Guttman,  nt7pDl  7U1DK  yn,  Warsaw,  1898,  7 a. 

68  Sefer  Chasidim , Parma,  363. 

69  M P 28  a. 

60  nurnn  of  Rabbi  Melech. 

61  See  below,  p.  216. 

M M P.  26  a. 

63  See  Horodetzky,  Hashiloah , XV,  170. 

64  See  Kethuboth , 50  a.  See  also  commentaries. 

65  Aboth , V : 10. 

68  See  Bathra , 7 b. 

67  See  D'tON  'Dip1?,  ed.  Wilna,  1896,  p.  52  a seq. 

“Guttman,  ibid.,  p.  11  a. 

69  See  below,  p.  277,  the  story  of  Loria  and  Useda. 

70  See  Chayim  Melr  Heilman,  H'3,  Berditczev,  1892,  II : 3 a. 

71  See  Little  Sefer  Chasidim , 13  a.  See  also  below,  p.  238. 
71  See  Sefer  Chasidim , Parma,  477  and  478. 

73  See  Kaydanower,  ch.  7. 

74  See  above,  p.  157,  and  also  below,  p.  270. 

75  Ps.  16 : 8,  9 seq. 

76  See  by  Naphtali  Bacharach,  121  c,  to  be  quoted 

hereafter  as  Bacharach. 

77  See  Bachye,  /"nin,  126  b seq. 

78  See  Rabbi  Judah  Halevi,  Divan,  II,  91a. 

79  See  Zohar,  ed.  Krotoschin,  to  Num.,  p.  222  b.  Ibid,  to 


pp.  181-207 


NOTES 


3i7 


Deut.,  p.  281  a.  Cf.  Luzzatto,  D’lKr  nTDD,  29  a.  See  also 
Sefer  Chasidim , Parma,  p.  240,  note  x. 

80  See  ’31  no,  I;  16  a. 

FOUR  EPISTLES  TO  THE  JEWS  OF  ENGLAND 

1  Published  in  The  Jewish  Chronicle,  London,  1901. 

SAFED  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY 
(For  List  of  Abbreviations  see  pp.  290-1.) 

1 See  Schwarz,  p.  476  ; cf.  Baedeker,  Index.  See  also  Rapo- 
port,  Introduction  to  fin  lin  snip  of  Shalom  Cohen  (Warsaw, 
1838). 

2 See  Caro  I,  1. 

3 See  Graetz,  Geschichie  d.  Jtiden,  2d  ed.,  IX  : 29  seq. ; cf  also 
English  Translation,  IV  :4oo  seq. 

4 crnn  11N,  ch.  V ; cf.  Kayserling,  Geschichte  d.  Juden  in  Por- 
tugal, pp.  42  and  96. 

6  See  Neubauer’s  “Mediaeval  Jewish  Chronicles,”  1 : 111.  Simi- 
lar sentiments  may  also  be  found  in  R.  Isaac  Arama’s  nt7p  filin. 

6 Ed.  Pietrkow  (1902),  p.  42. 

7 See  Responsa  of  R.  Asher  (Rosh),  VIII : 10. 

8 See  Epstein,  Revue  des  Etudes  Juives , XLII,  p.  18,  and 
Biichler,  XLIV,  p.  241  seq. 

9 See  Graetz,  Geschichte,  VII  : 13 ; cf.  Schwarz,  443.  Of 
course,  this  brief  outline  has  to  be  completed  by  the  accounts 
of  the  travels  of  Benjamin  of  Tudela,  and  R.  Pethahiah,  and 
similar  works. 

10  See  Pharchi,  msi  him 

11  See  Hebrew  Appendix  Ozar  Tob  to  Magazin,  1: 027;  see 
also  Graetz,  Geschichte  , VII : 182;  cf.  Hebrew  periodical  Jeru- 
salem, edited  by  Luncz,  II,  p.  7. 

12  See  Graetz,  Geschichte,  VII : 308-9,  and  Jerusalem , II,  p.  12. 

13  See  Carmoly,  Itineraires,  261,  from  an  unpublished  MS. 
(cod.  Paris,  1070);  cf.  also  Pharchi,  284. 

14  See  Jerusalem , VI,  p.  337. 

15  See  Graetz,  Geschichte , IX  : 28;  cf.  the  Hebrew  translation, 
VII : 26,  notes  2 and  4.  The  name  points  to  a Spanish  origin; 
cf.  also  Azkari,  24  a,  and  Azulai,  s.  n.  The  date  of  Saragossi’s 
settling  in  Safed  cannot  be  ascertained,  but  it  must  have  been 
during  the  first  two  decades  of  the  sixteenth  century. 


NOTES 


pp.  207-216 


318 


16  See  Bertinoro,  209  and  222;  cf.  Graetz,  Geschichte, VIII : 278, 
and  IX : 26,  and  Rabinowitz,  213 ; but  see  also  Luncz  in  Jerusa- 
lem, I,  p.  58.  It  should,  however,  be  remarked  that  the  travellers 
are  not  quite  unanimous  in  their  evidence  as  to  the  hostility  of 
the  Mohammedan  population  toward  the  Jews.  On  the  other 
hand,  it  seems  that  matters  with  regard  to  taxes  deteriorated 
later  in  Safed.  Cf.  Caro  I,  1,  and  Jerusalem , V,  p.  161. 

17  See  Bertinoro,  222. 

18  See  An.  Jb.,  277. 

19 See  Shlomel,  42  d;  see  also  Kaydanower,  ch.  16,  and 
unipn  mno,  I,  43  a. 

20  See  Sh.  J,  16  b ; Shlomel,  43  a ; see  also  Responsa  of  R. 
Solomon  Cohen,  II,  38 ; Responsa  21  onS,  by  R.  Abraham 
Boton,  148 ; HD  VDtfD  by  R.  Moses  Almosnino,  16  a. 

21  See  in  general  about  Caro,  Graetz,  Geschichte , IX,  Index; 
Rabinowitz,  Index;  Cassel,  Joseph  Karo  und  das  Maggid 
Mescharim  (Berlin,  1888),  and  the  authorities  mentioned  in  Dr. 
Louis  Ginzberg’s  article  “Caro,”  J.  Encycl.  See  Neubauer, 
Catalogue,  no.  2578,  containing  a list  of  ten  eulogies  on  the 
death  of  Joseph  Caro,  and  as  to  the  untrustworthiness  oi  the 
Mentor-Angel,  see  Rabinowitz,  p.  43,  note  4. 

22  MM  17  a. 

23 Cassel,  ibid.,  is  almost  the  only  writer  who  doubted  the 
authenticity  of  this  work.  His  arguments  are  in  every  respect 
weak,  whilst  there  is  contemporary  evidence  to  the  contrary. 
See  Rabinowitz,  242  seq.,  Briill,  Jahrbucher , IX:  150,  and 
Ginzberg,  ibid. 

2t  See  MM  4 a,  13  c,  18  c,  23  d,  33  b,  49  a. 

See  MM  3 c. 

26  See  Horwitz,  iT,l7t7  (ed.  Warsaw),  162  a seq. 

27  See  MM  22  c. 

28  See  MM  nc,  12  a,  17  a,  25  c,  cf.  Graetz,  Geschichte , IX: 
340  and  561,  but  see  also  Hebrew  translation,  VII : 415,  and 
appendix  at  the  end  by  Jaffe. 

29  See  especially  MM,  pp.  25  c and  26  a about  £3"’in  (rjDV'l  ? 
pVND'Sia) ; cf.  Kahana,  77,  note  1. 

!0  See  MM  18  c and  28  a. 

S1  See  MM  4 a,  16  a,  37  a. 

32  See  MM  6 b,  34  a,  50  a. 


pp.  216-226 


NOTES 


319 


33  See  MM  28  a. 

34  See  MM  35  c. 

35  See  MM  2 b. 

36  See  MM  30  d,  37  b. 

37  See  MM  16  a,  18  d,  46  a. 

38  See  MM  46  d. 

39  See  MM  3 a,  14  a,  21c,  24  c,  25  d,  34  d,  44  d. 

40  See  MM  3 b. 

41  See  MM  3 d,  21  b,  c. 

42  See  MM  52  b. 

43  See  MM  29  d. 

44  See  MM  3 b,  41  d. 

45  See  MM  3 b. 

46  See  MM  13  a,  18  c. 

47  See  MM  8 a,  10  b,  19  d,  23  d,  26  b. 

48  See  MM  8 b,  c. 

49  See  MM  50  d. 

50  See  MM  4 d,  13  d,  14  a,  19  d,  20  d,  21  a,  27  a,  29  b.  About 
Nicopolis  in  particular,  ibid.,  17  b. 

61  See  MM  25  c. 

52  See  MM  12  d,  13  a. 

53  See  MM  23  a. 

54  See  MM  5 a,  6 b,  8 d,  14  c,  25  b and  c,  27  a,  b,  c,  28  d,  30  a 
and  b,  34  b,  42  c. 

55  See  MM  3 d,  4 b and  c,  8 c,  9 c,  16  d,  19  d,  24  d,  30  c,  46  c, 
50  a and  d.  About  the  possibility  of  references  to  Alkabez, 
see  Rabinowitz,  245,  note  1.  See  also  below,  note  76. 

56  The  following  remarks  about  Molko  are  mostly  based  on 
Graetz,  Geschichte,  IX,  Index.  See  also  English  translation 
IV,  Index,  and  Vogelstein  and  Rieger,  Geschichte  der  Juden 
in  Rom , II,  Index. 

57  See  Graetz,  Geschichte , VIII:  253  and  562,  and  references 
given  there,  to  which  Sambari,  p.  147,  maybe  added.  See,  how- 
ever, Rabinowitz,  152,  note  1.  His  doubts  are  fully  justified,  as 
there  is  not  a single  real  trace  in  all  the  contemporary  literature 
coming  from  Palestine  pointing  to  Molko’s  staying  in  that 
country. 

58  See  references  given  to  MM  in  note  55,  especially  the  one 
to  MM  50  a. 


320 


NOTES 


pp.  227-233 


59  See  above,  note  50.  See  also  Horwitz,  H"1 I,  134  b,  and 
Guttman,  m ntWDl  HJION*  in,  Warsaw,  1898,  14b. 

60  See  Azulai  s.  n.  ; cf.  also  Ghirondi,  p.  380  seq.  See  also 
Alkabez,  Introduction  to  his  ’wH  tVID  (Lemberg,  1863);  cf. 
Briill,  Jahrbiicher,  IX,  150,  and  Rabinowitz,  245.  See  also 
Landshut,  muyn  ’HO;’,  3.  n. 

61  See  MM  50  d (headed  DiDji),  which  is  dated  in  the  MSS.  of 
the  MM  the  second  Adar  (March,  1536),  and  it  is  clear  from 
the  contents  that  Caro  was  still  in  yin  at  that  period.  For 
the  fact  that  there  were  about  one  thousand  families  in  Safed, 
I have  only  the  authority  of  Graetz,  Geschichte , VII  : 302.  See 
Trani,  III,  48. 

62  See  Trani,  I,  28;  Caro  II,  16  c.  Alsheich,  Responsa, 
no.  27,  and  cf.  Shlomel,  43  a. 

63  See  Frumkin,  7. 

64  See  Responsa  of  Berab,  no.  22 ; Bacharach,  109  c ; Boton, 
31  QnS,  no.  92,  and  Vital,  13  b.  There  are  also  in  the  book 
■OtytJt’  |lpn,  by  R.  Issachar  b.  Mordecai  b.  Shushan,  references 
to  □•ri3Dn  mSnp  and  D'TjD^Kn  Snp. 

65  See  Trani,  III,  48. 

63  See  Trani,  I,  106;  II,  115  and  131 ; Responsa  by  Alsheich, 
no.  27  ; Responsa  by  R.  Joseph  Trani,  I,  82. 

67  See  Sh.  J.,  16  b,  and  Bertinoro,  222. 

“See  Sh.  J.,  16 b,  and  Trani,  III,  46. 

“See  Berab,  no.  22;  Trani,  I,  171 ; II,  25;  Radbaz,  II,  638, 
and  Responsa  of  R.  Moses  Galanti,  no.  n. 

70  See  Chabib,  292  d. 

71  See  R.  Chayim  Alsheich’s  Preface  to  the  Pentateuch  Com- 
mentary of  R.  Moses  Alsheich,  ed.  Venice,  r6oi,  p.  6 a.  Cf.  Leo 
Modena’s  Briefe  (ed.  by  Prof.  Dr.  L.  Blau),  Letter  147. 

72  See  Berliner,  periodical  Jerusalem,  II,  68  seq.  The  Jewish 
Theological  Seminary  Library  possesses  the  most  important 
productions  of  this  press. 

73  See  Sh.  J.,  16 b,  and  Shlomel,  43  a. 

74  See  Responsa  of  R.  Isaac  de  Latas,  p.  54 ; cf.  Graetz, 
Geschichte,  IX,  end. 

75  See  above,  p.  209. 

76  See  MM  19  d ; cf.  ibid.  4 d.  There  can  be  little  doubt  that 
the  Solomon  mentioned  there  is  Solomon  Alkabez. 


pp-  233-237 


NOTES 


321 


77  About  Berab  and  the  history  of  the  Ordination  controversy, 
see  Graetz,  Geschichte,  IX:  300  seq. ; Rabinowitz,  218  seq. ; 
and  the  references  given  there,  especially  to  the  HD'DDn  rnjN 
forming  an  appendix  to  the  Responsa  of  Chabib.  It  should 
never  be  forgotten  that  in  judging  Berab  we  are  entirely  depen- 
dent on  material  coming  from  an  opponent,  who  in  the  heat 
of  the  controversy  could  with  all  his  meekness  not  remain 
impartial  to  his  antagonist,  and  therefore  large  deductions 
should  be  made  from  all  that  is  said  in  the  aforementioned 
appendix  of  the  harshness  of  Berab’ s character  and  of  the  real 
motives  for  his  action.  Cf.  also  Frumkin,  38  seq. 

78  See  Chabib,  186  d,  198  d,  302  b,  and  305  c. 

79  See  Chabib,  188  d.  Of  the  four  ordained,  we  have  only  the 
names  of  Caro  and  Trani.  Graetz,  Geschichte  IX : 307,  note, 
and  Frumkin,  73,  note  1,  advance  hypotheses  as  to  the  names 
of  the  other  two.  Yachya  in  his  nSspn  nStySt?  speaks  of  ten 
who  received  the  Ordination,  but  the  meaning  of  the  passage 
is  not  quite  certain. 

80 See  MM  29a;  cf.  Graetz,  ibid.  311.  Caro  seems  to  have 
given  up  the  matter  altogether  afterwards,  there  being  not  a 
single  reference  to  the  Ordination  question,  either  in  his  }t7H 
OSttt D,  no.  61,  or  in  his  commentary  to  Maimonides’  min  HJ170 
p-tHJD  'H,  IV.  Only  in  his  IV 1 to  the  t33tTO  JOTI,  no.  295, 
there  is  a faint  reference  to  it.  Cf.  Azulai’s  ‘pV  ’3*13  to  pn 
£33  TO,  64. 

81  See  MM  16  d. 

85  About  Trani,  see  Fin,  7D*on  (octavo  edition),  II,  586  seq. 

83  See  Trani,  II,  67;  cf.  also  I,  41  and  47. 

84  See  Trani,  III,  48. 

85  See  e.  g.  Trani,  I,  156,  189,  274,  336;  II,  46  and  180;  cf. 
Caro  I,  24. 

86SeeJ!'¥  n^nx,  Anon.,  26  d.  Cf.  also  Caro  I,  14,  where  he 
speaks  of  his  lack  of  time,  which  is  given  to  lecturing  to  the 
Chaberim  both  in  the  morning  and  in  the  evening. 

87  See  Alsheich,  Opinion  incorporated  in  Caro  I,  73. 

88  See  Caro  I,  92 ; II,  14  seq.  Cf.  R.  Menahem  Azariah  of 
Fano,  Preface  to  the  JlOin  nb3,  Cf.  also  Azulai ; Conforte ; 
Sambari ; and  Kahana,  p.  80  seq. 


322 


NOTE'S 


pp.  237-246 


89  See  Pardes , Preface. 

"See  ’iSn  m3,  39  b seq. 

91  See  SG,  pp.  1 a,  23  a and  b,  24  b ; cf.  Kahana,  p.  So,  note  2. 

92  See  Appendix  A.  292,  293.  With  regard  to  Alkabez  see 
tsniDn  mno,  11, 25  b. 

93  See  “Hjrn  *llK  by  Popers,  23  b.  See  also  reference  given 
above,  note  60. 

94  See  Kahana,  p.  145,  note  6,  to  which  are  to  be  added 

R.  Menahem  Azariah  of  Fano  and  R.  Sabbatai  Horwitz,  the 
author  of  ^£3  y 

95  See  Preface  to  the  work  mentioned  in  note  88.  Cf.  Catalog 
der  hebraischen  Handschriften  der  kgl.  Bibliothek  in  Modena, 

S.  Jona,  p.  10  seq.;  cf.  also  Kaufmann. 

96  See  the  authorities  quoted  above  in  note  88 ; cf.  also 
Bacharach,  7 a and  33  c. 

97  Besides  the  usual  authorities,  such  as  Conforte  (Index), 
Sambari  (Index),  and  Azulai,  s.  n.,  see  also  Calimani,  and 
Alsheich’s  Preface  to  his  Commentary  to  Proverbs.  Cf.  Leo 
Modena’s  Briefe , Letter  98.  Most  of  the  biographers  give  the 
relation  of  Loria  as  stated  in  the  text.  Cf.  also  Vital,  2 b. 
Rabbi  Abraham  Chazkuni,  however,  in  his  book  Bpin  PN? 
minn,  states  in  the  name  of  Alsheich  that  he  had  a direct  tradi- 
tion from  Loria  regarding  a certain  mystic  point,  whilst  accord- 
ing to  Calimani  he  was  one  of  the  direct  recipients  of  Loria’ s 
mystical  teachings.  See  also  Steinschneider,  Jerusalem,  III, 
no.  33  c,  to  a MS.  Ht7p  PUPt  by  Alsheich  on  the  precarious  con- 
dition of  the  Jews  of  Safed.  Unfortunately,  the  MS.  was 
inaccessible  to  me. 

98  See  Appendix  A 298  : 17. 

99  See  Appendix  A 297  : 4 ; 293  : 20. 

100  See  Conforte  (Index),  and  Azulai,  j.  n.  Cf.  Bacharach 
109  c ; Ch.  Y.  II,  4a,  and  IV,  10  b ; Kaydanower,  93,  and  Popers, 
7 b- 

101  See  Appendix  A 294  : r,  2 ; 295  : 6,  8 ; 296  : 13,  14,  15  ; 
297:  2;  298:  15. 

102  See  Azkari,  Preface  ; cf.  Kahana,  p.  149. 

103  See  Appendix  A 297 : 3. 

104  See  nonnP'tytn  (ed.  Cracow),  174  a. 

105 See  Appendix  A 294 : 36  ; cf.  298  : ii,  19,  22. 


pp.  246-251 


NOTES 


323 


106  See  Azkari,  95  a seq. 

107  See  Appendix  A 293  : 25  ; cf.  Baba  Bathra,  10  a,  TV'S* 
no.  92,  end. 

108  See  Appendix  A 296:  27;  298:  16,  27. 

109  See  Appendix  A 293  : 22  ; cf.  294  : 4. 

110  See  Shlomel  and  Vital,  where  such  legends  are  scattered 
over  the  books,  parallels  to  which  are  to  be  found  in  Bacharach’s 
and  Kaydanower’s  works  in  various  places.  Sambari,  of  whose 
chronicles  the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary  Library  possesses 
a good  copy,  is  also  replete  with  such  stories.  Cf.  also  HDtyj 
D’TI,  III,  10;  see  Kahana,  pp.  146,  148,  and  150.  Yachya  in 
his  p"nty  has  also  any  number  of  such  stories. 

111  The  legend  about  Joseph  is  incorporated  in  the  book 
U"V)  ’£31pb  (Livorno,  1790)  ; Kahana,  p.  ir,  note  5. 

m See  Appendix  A 293  : 21  ; 297  : 8. 

113  Cf.  Shabbath,  12  a and  b,  and  the  references  given  there  on 
the  margin  to  the  codes  of  Maimonides  and  Caro. 

114  See  Appendix  A 293  : 19 ; 295 : 9 ; 297  : 7,  8 ; 298 : 13,  20. 

115  See  D’p’ty  mmiK  incorporated  in  the  Hebrew  book  men- 
tioned above  in  note  hi,  69  b. 

116  See  Azulai,  5.  n. ; Ch.  Y.,  II,  55  b. 

117  The  main  sources  for  Loria’s  biography  are  the  legendary 

accounts,  of  which  two  versions  exist.  The  one  is  that  first 
published  in  the  Sammelwerk  HDDn  (see  Zedner,  356), 

and  republished  any  number  of  times  both  as  appendix  to  other 
works  as  well  as  by  itself  under  the  name  of  "iNn  'nnt?.  This 
is  the  version  made  use  of  by  almost  all  writers  on  the  subject. 
The  second  version,  strongly  related  to  it,  but  in  a somewhat 
more  connected  form  as  well  as  more  precise  in  its  dates,  is  the 
Q'D’J  ntJTDt  nuon  13D  published  first  in  Constantinople  in  1720, 
and  then  in  Safed  by  R.  Samuel  Lleller  in  the  year  1876.  See 
also  nnxn  hlK  by  Moses  Mordecai  Lebtob,  pp.  214-216,  where 
the  first  two  or  three  pages  of  this  version  are  reproduced. 
Sambari’s  account  of  the  life  of  Loria  is  omitted  by  Neubauer, 
but  the  Jewish  Theological  Seminary  Library  possesses  a 
photograph  copy  of  the  whole  work  as  preserved  in  the  Paris  MS., 
and  a copy  of  the  omissions  relating  to  Safed  from  the  Oxford  MS. 
This  account  of  Sambari  is  almost  identical  with  the  second 
version.  Much  material  is  also  to  be  found  in  Bacharach,  6 a,  7 b, 


324 


NOTES 


p.  252 


iobtoi4a,  33a  to 34 a,  77a,  109c,  116b  andc,  126a  andd,  138a, 
141  c,  142  a and  b,  143  a,  146  b,  c,  and  d,  152  to  154.  Bacharach’s 
story  is,  as  is  well  known,  based  on  Shlomel.  Kaydanower  has 
also  various  legends  about  Loria  (see  chs.  2,  5,  7,  9,  12,  16,  22, 
31,  34,  46,  48,  77,  80,  87,  and  93),  which  agree  on  the  whole  with 
the  second  version.  Ch.  Y.  also  made  use  of  this  version.  This 
version,  hardly  known  to  any  modern  writer  except  Bloch,  in 
his  Die  Kabbalah  auf  ihrem  Hohepunkt  und  ihre  Meister , 
(Pressburg,  1905),  is  extant  in  various  MSS.  It  is  hardly 
necessary  to  say  that  all  these  legends  are  greatly  exaggerated, 
and  sometimes  even  written  “with  a purpose.”  Cf.  Modena, 
□ru  'IN,  ch.  25  ; but  on  the  whole,  the  legends  fairly  represent 
the  estimation  in  which  Loria  was  held  by  his  contemporaries. 
Cf.  also  Calimani,  Conforte  Index,  Sambari  Index,  and  Azulai, 
s.  n.  See  further,  Graetz,  Geschichte,  IX,  Index,  and  Kahana. 
The  account  in  the  text  is  mostly  based  on  the  Constantinople  edi- 
tion, to  be  quoted  as  MN,  the  initials  of  the  Maaseh  Nissim 
version.  Cf.  also  Dr.  Ginzberg’s  article  “Cabala,”  Jewish 
Encyclopedia,  and  the  literature  given  there  about  the  various 
mystical  systems,  to  which  has  to  be  added  Bloch  as  above. 
The  reader  who  will  study  the  question  will  find  that  we  are 
still  in  want  of  a good  exposition  of  Loria’s  Cabbala,  its  strange 
and  bewildering  terminology,  and  how  far  it  is  to  be  considered  a 
development  of  Cordovero’s  system.  The  best  essay  on  this 
subject  is  undoubtedly  the  just  mentioned  article  by  Dr.  Ginz- 
berg,  and  the  book  of  Mieses  mentioned  by  him  ; but  even  in 
these  articles  we  have  more  of  the  system  of  Cordovero  as 
expounded  by  R.  Sabbatai  Horwitz  than  that  of  Loria  as  con- 
veyed by  his  disciple  Vital. 

118 See  Graetz,  Geschichte , VIII:  211-213.  See  also  ibid.,  p. 
292,  note.  Cf.  Frumkin,  pp.  15,  58,  61-68.  From  the  Responsa 
of  R.  Samuel  de  Modena,  2,  it  is  clear  that  the  German-Jewish 
settlements  in  the  Turkish  Empire  preceded  those  of  the 
Spanish  Jews.  Cf.  Solomon  Rosanis,  riDUiro  'D' 

p.  163  seq.  Graetz’s  statement  in  Geschichte , IX : 24,  that 
the  Jewish  settlement  in  Jerusalem  counted  in  the  year  1522 
fifteen  hundred  families  rests  on  a mistaken  reading  of  his 
authority,  where  Graetz,  by  some  oversight,  added  the  word 
J11ND,  which  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  text.  The  sense  in  the 


pp.  254-261 


NOTES 


325 


Sh.  J.  is  plain  enough,  that  the  German  community  counted 
fifteen  families.  Cf.  Schwarz,  pp.  453  and  457.  See  also 
Epstein,  K'311?  71713173,  pp.  33  and  35.  It  is  interesting  to  see 
that  our  Loria’s  son  was  named  Solomon  Loria,  probably  after 
his  grandfather. 

119  See  MN  2 a.  Cf.  Azulai,  s.  n.,  and  Ch.  Y.,  13  b.  According 
to  Conforte  (40  b),  however,  Loria  was  the  pupil  of  R.  David 
Abi  Zimra  and  the  colleague  of  R.  Bezaleel,  a view  which  is 
supported  by  Vital,  9 a,  *]33  ?"333. 

120  See  MN  2 a-b.  The  MS.  has  the  following  important 
additional  matter : 17V33  TH37V1  ^'1  is' inn  32D71  1^  {Tl'l 

inv  . . . b D'nDix  n'vvzb)  • • • n&w  n'vra 
“l^ni  n'vno  sir  p miNnai  D'jv^xnna  D'syp  onnx  d'bivd 
D'nns  '2  di1?':  nnj1?  -ji»d  twti  D'nvDi  nnunn1?  p 

1JV31?  1^1  n 713!^  33>’  ^>331.  Sambari  has  the  following  words  : 
tcipjn  onso  jm35?  pvpon  nnx  3333  nj^'n  onvD3 
•iTiitro  n’n  33371  nn  Sinn  3'ot  rrm?  von  '"v 

See  Shlomel’s  chronology  (p.  33  d),  which  is  somewhat  different. 
It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  MS.  contains  no  statement 
as  to  the  date  of  Loria’s  leaving  Egypt,  so  that  it  may  be 
fixed  with  Graetz,  Geschichle,  IX  : 587,  not  later  than  1568. 
This  would  allow  ample  time  for  his  making  the  acquaintance 
of  Cordovero,  who  died  in  1570,  and  becoming  his  regular 
disciple.  Kahana’s  arguments  against  Graetz  (p.  150)  are  not 
convincing.  We  have  always  to  remember  that  the  tendency 
was  to  reduce  Loria’s  residence  in  Safed  to  a minimum,  so  as  to 
make  him  entirely  independent  of  Cordovero. 

121  See  Shlomel,  33  b,  and  Preface  to  the  D"nn  jp*.  About 
the  mystical  writings  of  R.  David  Abi  Zimra,  and  those  of  R. 
Bezaleel,  see  Azulai,  s.  n. 

122  See  Kahana,  p.  203,  note  1. 

123  See  Sambari,  151,  and  Conforte,  40  b. 

124  See  MN  ib.  The  MS.  adds  Joseph  Ashkenazi. 

125  See  Pardes,  77  a. 

126  Pardes , 26  a. 

127  Introduction  to  the  {13371  nb3,  3 b. 


326 


NOTES 


pp.  261-269 


1,8  See  MN  2 b and  3 a.  More  fully  in  the  MS.  3 a-b.  SJ0121 

’Dpt?  . • . on!?  -ids  oipi  • . • p"D"in  dbo  ins'a:) 

nrrm  bna  Dinpa  nm  'ran:  D'Dinn  nt?np  mrv  rn 
sinn  K”sn  ans'i  nmrsn  ini'  fan3  'mo  nns  ^ss  niTso 
nm’x  d"d2  srvs-o  d'divid  nrrm  nm.  see  also 
Preface  to  n"np.  Cf.  Graetz,  Geschiclite,  IX : 589.  See  also 
Bloch  (as  above,  note  117),  p.  35. 

129  See  above,  note  120,  and  below,  note  163,  as  to  the  date 
of  Loria’s  death. 

130  See  Shlomel,  44  b,  and  Bacharach,  6 c.  It  is  to  be  noticed  that 
Vital  maintainedasceptical  attitude  toward  the  relations  of  Caro’s 
Maggid.  See  Kahana,  p.  268,  text  and  notes,  and  Rabinowitz, 
243.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  distrust  was  mutual. 

131  See  Shlomel,  34  b seq.  See  also  Preface  to  n"np. 

132  See  MN  3 a and  5 b.  The  author  of  the  D'DP  Sip  was  a 
disciple  of  Cordovero. 

133  See  MN  3 a b. 

134  See  MN  4ab.  The  MS.  5 a has  that  Loria  said  : ’nvi?  pb 

lira  disk  . . . ddd  yryy'V  no  b mro'  ddd  -ins  biw 

Y'm  HD1?  nSn  3in3^  men.  The  question  whether  Loria  wrote 
anything,  and  how  far  these  so-called  traditions  in  his  name  are 
to  be  relied  upon  is  still  a very  mooted  one.  See  Kahana,  p.  202, 
text  and  notes,  and  references  given  there.  The  general  im- 
pression one  receives  from  the  various  legendary  accounts 
quoted  above  is  that  he  declined  to  write  anything,  and  that  he 
was  reluctant  to  impart  any  mystical  knowledge  even  by  word 
of  mouth. 

133  See  Azulai,  s.  n.  See  MN  3 a with  regard  to  Loria’s 
serving  on  a board. 

136  See  Modena,  DHJ  'IS,  p.  66. 

137  See  such  works  as  the  PIJOH  13D  in  its  various  editions 
and  arrangements  (Zedner,  379),  and  the  Hli'01  TJJ  by  R.  Jacob 
ben  Chayim  Zemach  (Zedner,  299). 

138  See  Shabbath , 10  a. 

139  See  above,  note  137,  to  which  has  to  be  added  the  n"J?3 
by  Vital. 

140  See  Shlomel,  141  b.  “UDH  seems  to  mean  a block  of  build- 
ings with  a synagogue  attached  to  it.  According  to  the  Ch.  Y., 
34  c,  it  means  a College  or  a Yeshibah.  See  also  Vital,  16  a. 


pp.  270-283 


NOTES 


327 


141  See  Graetz,  Geschichte,  XI:  587  seq.,  and  references 
given  there.  See  also  mjiD  (ed.  Jessnitz,  1723),  1 a. 

142  See  above,  p.  168. 

145  See  flUO,  2d;  cf.  Kahana,  p.  203,  note  5. 

144  See  HUD,  nc. 

145  See  mJID,  1 b. 

146  See  mXDI  1VJ,  45  b. 

147  See  niJO  6c.  Cf.  D’p’IX  nimiK,  67  a. 

148  See  Azkari,  p.  48.  See  also  the  statement  of  the  traveller 
Samson  Bak,  Jerusalem , II,  p.  145. 

149  See  nuiD,  3 a. 

150  See  npix  noSn  v'ixn  jrts\ 

151  See  JYJ1D,  1 a. 

152  See  Ch.  Y.,  IV,  53  a and  b. 

153  See  HUO,  3 b seq.,  24  b seq.  Bacharach,  n d. 

154  See  Shlomel,  39  c,  Bacharach,  na,  and  Ch.  Y.,  I,  37  b. 

165  See  Shlomel,  39,  and  Bacharach,  ibid. 

156 See  D’buSj  (Przemysl,  1875),  86a  and  b. 

157  See  Azulai,  s.  n.,  and  Kaydanower,  ch.  93.  Cf.  Pesikta 
Rabbathi,  131  b seq.,  and  the  Second  Esdras,  ch.  10,  r.  v. 

158  See  Azulai,  s.  n. 

159  See  Shlomel,  39  a,  Bacharach,  10  d.  Cf.  Graetz,  Geschichle, 
IX : 588.  See  also  V'J,  50  seq.;  61  seq ; 87  d seq.,  about  various 
contemporaries  of  Loria.  Cf.  also  Steinschneider,  Catalogue 
Munich,  2d  ed.,  Berlin,  1895,  pp.  250-1. 

160  See  Shlomel,  35  b. 

161  See  rtlJO,  1 b,  and  Ch.  Y.,  I,  48  b,  51  b,  and  59  b. 

162  See  Preface  to  the  TT'njk 

163  The  date  of  Loria’s  death  is  given  by  most  bibliographers 
as  the  year  1572.  Against  this  we  have,  however,  the  evidence 
of  Conforte,  41  a,  who  fixes  it  in  the  year  1573,  for  which  he  is 
attacked  by  Azulai  and  others.  Sambari,  p.  151,  fixes  it  in  the 
year  1574,  which  is  also  confirmed  by  the  traveller  Samson  Bak. 
See  Jerusalem , II,  p.  146,  text  and  notes. 

164  See  the  statement  of  R.  Moses  Galanti,  the  Younger,  in  the 
preface  to  the  book  in  po,  by  R.  David  Abi  Zimra  (Amsterdam, 
1679). 

165  Horwitz  is  the  one  who  dwells  more  on  the  mystical 
exposition  of  the  ideal  man  than  any  of  the  authors  of  1D1D  ’13D 


338 


NOTES 


pp.  283-284 


who  became  popular  with  the  large  masses,  and  a careful 
reading  of  the  first  seventy  pages  of  his  iY'W  (ed.  Warsaw,  8°) 
will  show  that  it  is  chiefly  the  ntynp  and  the  hope  conse- 
quent upon  it  which  he  is  aiming  at.  Cf.  especially  page  19  b ; 
2oaseq.;  28  a seq.;  3obseq.;  33aseq.;  47aseq.;  59aseq. 

166  See  Jerusalem. , II,  p.  143,  and  Frumkin,  117. 

167  See  Azulai  under  these  names.  Cf.  also  Shlomel,  36  a and 
41  d.  See  also  the  Responsa  of  R.  Joseph  Trani,  I,  82.  Cf. 
also  Sambari,  16:,  with  regard  to  the  Loria  Synagogue. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


[ This  Index  is  to  be  supplemented  by  the  list  of  sages  and  saints 
of  Safed  constituting  Appendix  B,  pp.  302-6.] 


Aaron,  the  descendants  of,  alluded 
to,  64. 

Aaron  Kaydanower,  influence  of 
Safed  on,  283. 

Ab-Beth-Din,  the,  oflicer  of  the 
Sanhedrin,  105. 

Sea  also  “ Father  of  the  Court 
of  Justice.” 

Abiathar,  the  Scroll  of,  and  the 
calendar  controversy,  29. 

Abishai,  rescues  David,  m-12. 

Abraham,  the  Shield  of,  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  67;  in  Christian 
and  Jewish  sources,  107; 
epithets  of,  118-19;  independ- 
ence of,  184. 

Abraham,  brother-in-law  of  Gliick- 
el  von  Hameln,  132,  133. 

Abraham  de  Boton,  Responsa  by, 
289. 

Abraham  Galanti,  honour  done  to, 
208;  and  the  treatment  of 
workmen,  273-5;  precepts  by, 
289. 

Abraham  Halevi  Beruchim,  mystic, 
missionary  preacher,  243-4; 
exhortations  of,  243;  urges 
preparations  for  the  Sabbath, 
243;  and  Jeremiah,  276-7;  pre- 
cepts by,  289. 

Abraham  Hurwitz,  the  ethical  will 
of,  alluded  to,  139. 

Abraham  ben  Solomon,  on  the 
Jews  of  Spain,  204. 

Abtalyon,  a proselyte,  holds  a high 
office  in  the  Sanhedrin,  64. 

Abundance  of  Dew,  Cabbalistic 
book  by  Sabbatai  Horwitz, 
260. 


Adam  Kadmon,  a Cabbalistic  term, 
262. 

Adler,  Herman,  Chief  Rabbi  of 
England,  alluded  to,  4. 

Adrianople,  Joseph  Caro  in,  210- 
11 ; alluded  to,  225,  252. 

Advice,  Ben  Sira  on  asking,  94. 

Africa,  Northern,  Jewish  study 
centres  established  in,  28. 

Agadist,  an,  on  God’s  praying, 
155- 

Agricultural  pursuits,  Jews  urged 
to  engage  in,  174;  by  the  na- 
tives of  Safed,  230. 

Agrippa  II,  alluded  to  95. 

Akiba,  Aquila  under  the  influence 
of,  22;  quoted,  110. 

Akylas,  Rabbinic  name  for  Aquila. 
See  Aquila. 

Alcharizi,  quoted,  81. 

Alexander  the  Great,  alluded  to, 
55- 

Alexandria,  Jewish,  disappointing, 

4- 

Alimah,  by  Moses  Cordovero,  240. 

Alkabez.  See  Solomon  Halevi 
Alkabez. 

Alsheich.  See  Moses  Alsheich. 

Altona,  in  the  Memoirs  of  Gliick- 
el  von  Hameln,  128-9;  privi- 
leges of  the  Jews  in,  128-9; 
victims  of  Chmielnicki  in, 
130. 

Amos,  the  prophet,  on  social  prob- 
lems, 77. 

Amsterdam,  alluded  to,  134. 

Amulets,  in  the  Genizah,  11. 

Analecten  sur  Textkritik,  by  Dr. 
Felix  Perles,  cited,  15. 


332 


INDEX 


Anatomy,  studied  by  the  Rabbis, 
76. 

Ancona,  Solomon  Molko  preaches 
in,  224. 

Angels,  in  Ecclesiasticus,  69; 
created  by  Joseph  Caro,  219. 

Anger,  impairs  the  relation  be- 
tween man  and  his  fellow, 
166,  170;  Joseph  Caro  on, 
212,  216;  Moses  Cordovero  on, 
238;  Isaac  Loria  on,  271-2. 

Animals,  the  treatment  of,  and 
saintliness,  174-5,  270. 

Anthropomorphistic  element  in 
the  Cabbala,  262-3. 

Anti-Christiana,  mythical  character 
of,  102. 

Antinominian  tendencies,  conse- 
quences of,  160;  Safed  free 
from,  279. 

Apocrypha,  the,  defined,  2;  frag- 
ments of,  in  the  Genizah,  10; 
quoted  by  the  daughter-voice, 
114;  a Jewish  commentary  on, 
needed,  201. 

Apologetics,  in  the  Genizah,  12. 

Apostasy,  in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira 
contrasted  with  that  in  earlier 
times,  65-6. 

Apostles,  the,  alluded  to,  123. 

Aquila  (Akylas),  remains  of,  in 
the  Genizah,  19;  Rabbinic 
name  of,  20,  21;  historical 
and  legendary  account  of, 
20-2;  proselyte  to  Christianity 
and  Judaism,  20-2;  Greek  ver- 
sion of  the  Bible  by,  22-5. 

Arabic,  versions  of  the  Bible  in, 
in  the  Genizah,  9,  13;  com- 
mentaries in,  in  the  Genizah, 
10. 

Arba  Turim,  by  Jacob  ben  Asher, 
commentary  on,  21 1;  alluded 
to,  222. 

Ari,  epithet  of  Isaac  Loria,  266. 

Aristeas  Letter,  the,  on  the  vest- 
ments of  the  high  priest,  61; 
on  the  Temple  service,  62. 


Arrogance  of  the  Jew  in  the  West, 
189. 

Artisan,  the,  and  prayer,  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus, 70;  Ben  Sira  on, 
71- 

See  also  Handicrafts;  Trades. 

Aryans,  the,  and  Israel,  183. 

Ascetic  practices,  in  Safed,  244; 
Vital  opposed  to  certain,  245; 
of  the  Society  of  Penitents, 
245-6;  Azkari  on,  246;  of 
Isaac  Loria,  255. 

See  also  Ascetic  teachings;  As- 
ceticism; Fasting. 

Ascetic  teachings,  in  Safed,  282-3. 

Asceticism,  and  saintliness,  161-3; 
modern  admiration  of,  162; 
in  Judaism,  19 1-2;  practiced 
by  Joseph  Caro,  215-16;  of 
Solomon  Molko,  223;  the  evils 
of,  mitigated,  250. 

See  also  Ascetic  practices;  As- 
cetic teachings;  Fasting. 

Asher,  epithet  of,  in  the  Maggid 
Mesharim,  222. 

Ashkenazi.  See  Bezaleel  Ash- 
kenazi; Isaac  Loria;  Joseph 
Ashkenazi. 

Askara.  See  Hananel  Ibn  As- 
kara. 

Assidaeans,  the,  ascendency  of,  65. 

See  also  Chasidim,  the. 

Associates,  the,  of  Alkabez.  See 
Associates,  the,  of  Moses  Cor- 
dovero. 

Associates,  the,  of  Loria,  devotion 
of,  to  their  master,  268;  live 
in  isolation,  269;  divided  into 
two  classes,  269-70;  exclude 
those  prone  to  anger,  272; 
celebration  of  the  Sabbath  by, 
275;  as  reincarnations,  277. 

See  also  Associates,  the,  of 
Moses  Cordovero ; “ Lion- 

Whelps,  The.” 

Associates,  the,  of  Moses  Cor- 
dovero, and  Joseph  Caro’s 
Mentor-Angel,  233;  presided 


INDEX 


333 


over,  by  Alkabez,  238,  239;  de- 
scribed, 238-9;  precepts  drawn 
up  for,  238-9,  244;  ascetic 

practices  of,  245-6;  under 
Isaac  Loria,  266. 

See  also  Associates,  the,  of 
Loria. 

Atonement,  the  Day  of,  special 
prayers  for,  in  Safed,  244; 
confession  of  sins  on,  270. 

Attentions,  the,  of  Isaac.  Loria, 
269,  271,  278. 

Autograph  documents,  in  the  Geni- 
zah,  1 1,  29. 

Autonomy  of  the  various  com- 
munities in  Safed,  229,  233, 
236. 

Azkari.  See  Eliezer  Azkari. 

Baal  Shem.  See  Israel  Baal 
Shem. 

Babylon,  the  schools  of,  cease, 
28;  alluded  to,  205. 

“ Babylon,  Fortress  of,”  in  Cairo, 
5- 

Babylonian  Talmud,  the,  frag- 
ments of,  in  the  Genizah,  10; 
compared  with  the  Jerusalem 
Talmud,  27-8. 

See  also  Talmud,  the. 

Bachelors,  the  Jewish  view  of,  95. 

See  also  Celibacy. 

Bachye,  an  exponent  of  Judaism, 
192;  the  writings  of,  recom- 
mended to  Joseph  Caro,  by 
the  Mentor-Angel,  217. 

Baiersdorf,  alluded  to,  146. 

Bak,  Samson,  on  Safed,  283. 

Bakhshish,  facilitates  work  in  the 
Genizah,  8. 

Banquet,  a,  in  the  time  of  Ben 
Sira,  84-91. 

Banquets,  permitted,  238,  248. 

See  also  Dining. 

Baptism,  in  Jewish  literature,  109- 
10. 

Barbary  States,  the  immigrants 
from,  in  Safed,  207. 


Barley,  produced  near  Safed,  230. 

Barth,  philologist,  quoted,  32. 

Bashiatsi.  See  Elijah  Bashiatsi. 

Beans,  produced  near  Safed,  230. 

Beer,  on  non-commercial  pursuits 
for  Jews,  174. 

Benediction,  a,  preceding  martyr- 
dom, 226. 

See  also  Prayer. 

Ben  Hagla,  a lost  book,  53. 

Benjamin  of  Tudela,  traveller,  on 
Cairo,  5. 

Ben  Meir,  controversy  of,  with 
Saadya,  29. 

Bensimon,  Aaron,  Grand  Rabbi  of 
Cairo,  4,  and  the  Genizah,  5. 

Ben  Sira,  the  dates  of,  55-6; 
sources  on,  56-7;  the  state  of 
Judaism,  etc.  in  the  time  of, 
58;  scarcity  of  references  to 
the  Synagogue  in  the  time  of, 
65;  the  hymn  of,  and  the 
Eighteen  Benedictions,  67-8; 
on  the  future  life,  68-9;  occu- 
pations of  the  Jews  in  the  time 
of,  71;  on  artisans,  71;  on  the 
commercial  classes,  71-2;  on 
the  military  classes,  72-3;  on 
the  scholastic  profession,  73; 
on  the  priests,  75;  on  the 
medical  profession,  75-7;  as  a 
social  reformer,  77-9,  81,  83; 
on  the  value  of  leisure,  80; 
conservatism  of,  80-1;  on  un- 
righteous wealth  , 81-2;  on 

poverty,  82;  religion  and  poli- 
tics of,  83;  as  a man  of  the 
world,  84-91;  on  temperance, 
87;  on  wine,  88-90;  on  drunk- 
enness, 89;  on  seriousness  and 
modesty,  91;  on  the  bore, 
91-2;  on  the  evils  of  the  ton- 
gue, 92-3;  on  friendship,  93-4; 
on  asking  advice,  94;  on  char- 
itableness, 94;  on  women,  95; 
on  marriage,  96,  98;  on  pedi- 
gree, 96;  on  the  education  of 
children,  96-8;  on  heirs,  98-9; 


334 


INDEX 


on  visiting  the  sick,  99-100; 
on  death,  too;  on  burial,  101; 
on  the  period  of  mourning, 
101. 

See  also  Ecclesiasticus. 

Ben  Sira,  The  Wisdom  of,  See 
Ecclesiaticus. 

Ben  Soma,  and  Joshua  hen  Ha- 
naniah,  112. 

Bequest,  a,  for  Yeshiboth  in 
Safed,  209. 

Berab.  See  Jacob  Berab. 

Berachoth,  prescriptions  for  prayer 
in.  154- 

Bertinoro.  See  Obadiah  of  Berti- 
noro. 

Beruchim.  See  Abraham  Halevi 
Beruchim. 

Beth  ha-Keneseth,  the,  a name  for 
the  Synagogue,  63. 

Beth  ha-Midrash,  the,  the  impor- 
tance of,  42;  a name  for  the 
Synagogue,  63. 

Beth  ha-Wa’ad,  a General  Board, 
in  Safed,  229-30,  251,  284. 

Beth  Jacob,  Spanish  congregation 
in  Safed,  235. 

Beth  Joseph,  the,  by  Joseph  Caro, 
described,  21 1;  Joseph  Caro 
desires  the  perfection  of,  217. 

Beyrout,  alluded  to,  206. 

Bezaleel  Ashkenazi,  teacher  of 
Isaac  Loria,  253,  257. 

Bible,  the,  regulations  for  writing, 
14;  treatment  of  Christologi- 
cal  passages  in,  23;  dates  of 
the  books  of,  33-4;  purpose  of 
the  study  of  Hebrew,  36; 
study  of,  should  precede  its 
criticism,  37;  ignorance  of 
Hebrew  and  criticism  of, 
37-8;  value  of  the  Hebrew  Ec- 
clesiasticus for  the  study  of, 
43-4;  the  style  of,  imitated  in 
Ecclesiasticus,  47;  and  the 
dates  of  Ben  Sira,  56;  on 
corporal  punishment,  97;  the 
Talmud  important  in  the 


study  of,  103;  Introductions 
to,  and  Rabbinic  literature, 
105;  and  Jewish  scholars,  195; 
the  object  of  attack,  198;  Jew- 
ish devotion  to,  needed,  199- 
201;  and  Christian  scholars, 
200;  a Jewish  commentary  on, 
201;  and  Safed,  202;  taught 
to  Marranos,  223;  commen- 
tary on,  by  Moses  Alsheich, 
241. 

See  also  Bible,  the,  fragments 
of;  Bible,  the,  Greek  version 
of;  Canon,  the;  Exegesis,  Bib- 
lical; Torah,  the;  and  under 
the  various  Books  of  the 
Bible. 

Bible,  the,  fragments  of,  in  the 
Genizah,  9-10,  12;  easily  iden- 
tified, 13;  oldest  Bible  manu- 
scripts known,  14;  abbrevia- 
tion system  illustrated  in,  14- 
15;  for  children,  15-16;  colo- 
phons to,  16-17;  palimpsests, 
17-18. 

Bible,  the,  Greek  version  of,  by 
Aquila,  19,  22-5;  literalism  of, 
22-3,  24,  25;  compared  with 
the  Septuagint,  23-4;  pre- 
served by  Origen,  24-5. 

Bibliography,  value  of,  120. 

Bikkur  Cholim,  in  Rabbinic  litera- 
ture, 99. 

Bills,  among  the  Genizah  frag- 
ments, 28. 

Bleek,  alluded  to,  33. 

Bodleian  Library,  the,  alluded  to, 
15;  fragments  of  Ecclesiasti- 
cus in,  45. 

Boehme,  alluded  to,  178. 

Books,  kinds  of,  consigned  to  a 
Genizah,  2-3,  7. 

Bore,  the,  Ben  Sira  on,  91-2. 

Boton.  See  Abraham  de  Boton. 

Bride,  term  for  the  Keneseth 
Israel,  12 1. 

British  Museum,  the,  alluded  to, 
103. 


INDEX 


335 


Brother,  term  for  the  Kenesetli 
Israel,  121. 

Buhl,  on  social  problems  in  Israel, 

78- 

Builders,  in  demand  in  Safed, 
230. 

Building,  occupation  of  the  Jews 
in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira,  71. 

Burkitt,  F.  C.,  editor  of  Aquila 
fragments,  25. 

Butchers,  act  as  caterers,  86. 

Buxtorfs,  the  two,  and  Rabbinic 
literature,  103. 

Cabbala,  the,  the  study  of,  urged 
by  Joseph  Caro’s  Mentor- 
Angel,  217;  taught  to  Mar- 
ranos,  223;  Solomon  Molko 
converts  Joseph  Caro  to,  226; 
authoritative  work  on,  240; 
Isaac  Loria  introduced  to, 
254-5 ! taught  to  Isaac  Loria 
by  Elijah,  256;  the  world  as 
viewed  by,  258-60;  man  as 
viewed  by,  261-3,  268-9;  on 
anthropomorphisms,  262-3; 
and  the  Propositions,  280-1. 

See  also  Chayim  Vital;  Isaac 
Loria;  Moses  Cordovero,  etc.; 
and  Zohar,  the. 

Cabbalists,  the,  the  difficulties  of, 
258. 

Caine,  Hall,  alluded  to,  188. 

Cairo,  the  Genizah  at,  3;  modern 
character  of,  4;  buildings  in, 
5;  Isaac  Loria  at,  253-6. 

Calendar,  the,  controversy  on,  29. 

Cambridge,  the  University  of,  and 
the  Cairo  Genizah,  3-4,  11. 

Canon,  the,  value  of  histories  of, 
37;  hypothesis  of  the  rise  of, 
unsatisfactory,  43;  and  the 
dates  of  Ben  Sira,  56;  Rab- 
binic account  of,  and  the 
higher  criticism,  105. 

See  also  Bible,  the. 


Canon,  the  second,  causes  leading 
to,  doubtful,  42. 

Carlyle,  quoted,  148. 

Caro.  See  Joseph  Caro. 

Carpentry,  trade  of  the  Jews  in 
the  time  of  Ben  Sira,  71. 

Cattaui,  Youssef  M.,  liberality  of, 
5- 

Cattle-breeding,  occupation  of  the 
Jews  in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira, 
71- 

Celibacy,  and  saintliness,  176-7. 

See  also  Bachelors. 

Censors,  the  Board  of,  Isaac  Loria 
on,  in  Safed,  267-8. 

Ceremonies,  and  the  saint,  160; 
and  spirituality,  187-8. 

Cerf  Levy,  second  husband  of 
Gliickel  von  Hameln,  145-6. 

Chaberim.  See  Associates,  the. 

Chabib.  See  Levi  ben  (Aben) 
Chabib. 

Chagigah,  a story  from,  123-4. 

Chaldaic  versions  of  the  Bible,  in 
the  Genizah,  9,  13. 

Chalphanim,  the,  in  Hamburg,  135. 

Chanina  ben  Teradyon,  quoted,  1. 

Charitableness,  Ben  Sira  on,  94; 
in  Rabbinic  literature,  94. 

Charity,  Ben  Sira  on,  81;  and 
saintliness,  171-4;  as  practiced 
in  Safed,  246-7;  of  Isaac 
Loria,  272-3. 

Charles  V.,  Emperor,  and  Solomon 

Molko,  225. 

Chasid,  defined,  151. 

See  also  Saint. 

Chasidim,  the,  and  Ben  Sira,  83-4; 
discredited  by  the  higher 
criticism,  105. 

See  also  Assidaeans,  the. 

Chasiduth,  saintliness,  151. 

See  also  Saintliness. 

Chastity,  Joseph  Caro  on,  216. 

Chayim  Hameln,  husband  of 
Gliickel  von  Hameln,  131, 
133;  saintliness  of,  133-4;  as 


336 


INDEX 


a business  man,  134;  death  of, 
138,  141-2. 

Chayim  Vital,  disciple  of  Moses 
Alsheich,  241;  opposed  to  cer- 
tain ascetic  practices,  245 ; the 
accomplishments  of,  251;  fol- 
lower of  Isaac  Loria,  266, 
270,  277;  goes  to  Safed,  266-7; 
on  the  love  of  the  non-Jew, 
270;  spends  the  Sabbath  with 
Isaac  Loria,  278;  book  ascrib- 
ed to,  279,  281;  book  by, 

279,  281;  successor  to  Isaac 
Loria,  280;  authority  of,  in 
Safed,  284-5;  death  of,  285. 

CUebrahs,  in  Hamburg,  155. 

Cheder,  the,  Gliickel  von  Hameln 
taught  in,  139. 

Chelo.  See  Isaac  ben  Joseph 
Chelo. 

Chiromancy,  Isaac  Loria  an  adept 
in,  265. 

Chmielnicki,  Bogdan,  victims  of, 
in  Hamburg,  etc.,  129-30,  133; 
alluded  to,  204;  effect  of,  on 
Safed,  285. 

Christian  scholars,  and  the  Tal- 
mud, 103-4;  on  the  Jews  in 
the  time  of  Jesus,  120-1;  and 
the  study  of  the  Bible,  200-1; 
and  post-Biblical  Judaism, 
201. 

Christianity,  Aquila  a proselyte 
to,  21;  Schleiermacher’s  view 
of,  104;  the  history  of  the 
rise  of,  125. 

Christological  passages,  in  the 
Bible,  treatment  of,  23. 

“ Chronicle  of  the  World,”  the,  a 
secondary  source  on  Ben  Sira, 
567  quoted,  57. 

Chronicles,  the  Books  of,  inter- 
pret Deuteronomy,  37;  on  the 
Persian-Greek  period  of  Jew- 
ish history,  43;  purpose  of, 
106-7. 

Chronology,  the,  of  the  Persian- 
Greek  period,  41. 


Church,  the  Established,  and  the 
study  of  theology,  196,  197. 

Chushiel  ben  Elhanan  (or  Han- 
anel),  letter  by,  29. 

Clement  VII.,  Pope,  and  Solomon 
Molko,  224-5. 

Clergy,  the  Jewish,  and  theology, 
195-7 1 and  the  Bible,  200, 
201. 

Cleves,  alluded  to,  136. 

Clothes,  manufactured  in  Safed, 
230- 

Cohen.  See  Elijah  Cohen. 

Colobi.  See  Pharez  Colobi. 

Colophons,  to  Biblical  Genizah 
fragments,  16-17. 

Columbia  University,  manuscript 
in,  used,  289. 

“ Come,  my  Beloved.  See  Lechah 
Dodi. 

Commentaries,  fragments  of,  in 
the  Genizah,  10. 

Commentary,  a Jewish,  on  the 
Bible  needed,  201. 

Commercial  classes,  the,  Ben  Sira 
on,  71-2;  Rabbinic  sentiment 
on,  72. 

See  also  Trading. 

Compulsory  education,  in  Judzea, 
95- 

See  also  Education;  and  In- 
struction. 

Concentration,  the  system  of,  in 
the  Cabbala,  259,  260. 

Confession  of  sins.  See  Sins,  the 
confession  of. 

Confirmation,  the  rite  of,  and  wo- 
men in  the  synagogue,  137. 

Conforte,  on  Isaac  Loria  and 
Moses  Cordovero,  257. 

Congregation  of  Israel,  the,  com- 
pared to  a lily,  108;  symbol- 
ised by  a dove,  in. 

See  also  Keneseth  Israel,  the. 

Consolacam  as  tribulacoes  de 
Ysrael,  by  Samuel  Usque, 
quoted,  202-3. 


INDEX 


337 


“ Consolation  and  Tribulations  of 
Israel,  The,”  by  Samuel 
Usque,  quoted,  202-3. 

Constantinople,  the  Jews  of,  sup- 
port Safed  institutions,  209; 
trade  with  Safed,  230. 

Contemporaneous  history  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  51-3. 

Controversial  works,  in  the  Geni- 
zah,  11. 

Controversies,  theological,  34-5. 

Converts,  how  brought  back  to  the 
faith,  1 7 1 . 

Conveyances,  among  the  Genizah 
fragments,  28. 

Coptic-Hebrew  palimpsests,  18. 

Cordovero.  See  Moses  Cordovero. 

Corporal  punishment,  Ben  Sira  on, 
97- 

Cotton,  produced  near  Safed,  230. 

Covetousness,  impairs  the  relation 
between  man  and  his  fellow, 
166. 

Criticism,  the  Higher.  See  Ex- 
egesis, Biblical. 

Crusades,  the,  and  pilgrimages  to 
the  Holy  Land,  205. 

Cooking,  taught  to  girls,  98. 

Cudworth  and  the  Rabbis,  103. 

Dalman,  and  Jewish  terms,  120. 

Damascus,  trades  with  Safed,  230; 
alluded  to,  266,  285. 

“ Dancing,”  by  Mrs.  Lily  Grove, 
quoted,  137. 

Daniel,  the  Book  of,  late  date  of, 
59;  commentary  on,  printed  in 
Safed,  231. 

Dates  of  the  composition  of  the 
Biblical  books,  how  deter- 
mined, 33-4. 

Daughter,  term  for  the  Keneseth 
Israel,  121. 

Daughter-voice,  the,  in  the  vision 
of  Jose,  1 13;  a means  of 
revelation,  113-16;  reproduces 
Biblical  verses,  1 13-14;  quotes 
the  Apocrypha,  114;  to  whom 


audible,  1 14-15;  when  authori- 
tative, 1 1 6. 

Daughters,  as  described  in  Jewish 
literature,  98. 

David,  and  the  authorship  of  the 
Psalms,  39;  restoration  of  the 
line  of,  in  Ecclesiasticus,  50-1; 
alluded  to,  64;  a Rabbinic 
legend  on,  m-12;  the  harp 
of,  156. 

David  ben  (Abi)  Zinira,  position 
of,  in  Safed,  250-1;  teacher 
of  Isaac  Loria,  257,  263. 

David  Reubeni,  and  Solomon 
Molko,  223. 

Death,  various  designations  of, 
99;  Ben  Sira  on,  100;  and 
saintliness,  181. 

Defilement,  interpreted  Rabbinic- 
ally,  no;  the  cause  of,  190. 

De  la  Reina.  Sec  Joseph  de  la 
Reina. 

Despair,  impairs  the  relation  be- 
tween man  and  his  fellow, 
166. 

De  Synagoga  vetere,  by  Vitringa, 
importance  of,  104. 

De  Synedriis,  by  Selden,  and  the 
Talmud,  103. 

Deuteronomy,  the  Book  of,  in- 
terpreted by  other  books  of 
the  Bible,  37;  passages  in,  in- 
terpreted, 20,  1 18;  quoted, 

112,  115,  263,  273. 

Devotional  works,  the  Mentor- 
Angel  urges  the  reading  of, 
on  Joseph  Caro,  217;  in- 
fluence of  Safed  on,  282-3. 

Devotions,  the,  of  Isaac  Loria, 
269,  271,  278. 

Die  heilige  Schrift,  by  Kautzsch, 
cited,  41. 

Die  Worte  Jesu,  by  Dalman,  and 
Jewish  terms,  121. 

Dietary  laws,  the,  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  70. 

See  also  Forbidden  food. 


33* 


INDEX 


“ Digr  t of  the  Law,”  by  Jacob 
ben  Asher,  21 1. 

Dillmann,  alluded  to,  33,  200; 

analysis  of  the  Pentateuch  by, 
33- 

Dining,  in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira, 
84-91;  regulations  for,  84-5; 
invitations  for,  85;  hour  for, 
85;  room  for,  85-6;  menu  for, 

86-7. 

See  also  Banquet,  a;  and  Ban- 
quets. 

Disraeli,  alluded  to,  222. 

Discourse  on  the  Lord’s  Supper, 
by  Cudworth,  and  the  Rabbis, 
103. 

Dissipation,  impairs  the  relation 
between  man  and  his  fellow, 
166. 

“ Divine  Cabbalist,  The,”  epithet 
of  Isaac  Loria,  267. 

Divine  Essence,  the,  in  the  Cab- 
bala, 259. 

Divine  Presence,  the,  and  the 
saints  after  death,  88;  in  ex- 
ile, 124,  243;  respect  for,  124; 
pure  thoughts  the  seat  of, 
216;  classes  excluded  from, 
238. 

“ Divine  Rabbi  Isaac,”  epithet  of 
Isaac  Loria,  266. 

Divorce,  bills  of,  in  the  Genizah, 
1 1. 

Dove,  the,  symbolises  the  Holy 
Ghost,  111-12. 

Drunkenness,  Ben  Sira  on,  89. 

Duhm,  alluded  to,  200. 

“ Duties  of  the  Heart,  The,”  by 
Bachye,  recommended  to  Jo- 
seph Caro,  by  his  Mentor- 
Angel,  217. 

Eagle,  the,  a Rabbinic  symbol, 
112-13. 

Ecclesiastes,  the  authorship  of,  39; 
the  date  of,  doubtful,  42; 
verses  from,  in  Ecclesiasticus, 
68;  quoted,  114,  166,  281. 


Ecclesiasticus,  chief  source  for  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  56;  pitfalls 
in  the  use  of,  57-8;  quoted 
57  et  seq.,  114,  123;  on  the 
Temple  service,  60-2;  and  the 
Eighteen  Benedictions,  67-8; 
on  resurrection,  68-9;  on  an- 
gels, 69;  on  original  sin,  69. 

See  also  Ben  Sira;  and  Ec- 
clesiasticus, the  original  of. 

Ecclesiasticus,  the  original  of, 
fragments  of,  in  the  Genizah, 
10,  26;  value  of,  in  historical 
research,  26-7;  value  of,  to 
the  Biblical  student,  43-4; 
46-7;  date  of,  43-4;  used  by 
Luzzatto , 44;  mentioned  by 
St.  Jerome  and  Saadya,  45; 
discovery  of,  45;  editions  of, 
45;  number  of  chapters  of, 
found,  45;  the  language  of, 
46,  47;  Job  known  to  the 
author  of,  47;  the  Psalms 
known  to  the  author  of,  47; 
hymn  from,  48-9,  50;  proof  of 
the  authenticity  of,  49;  litur- 
gical elements  in,  50,  51;  re- 
ligious thought  exhibited  in, 
50;  contemporaneous  history 
in,  51-3;  Persian  influence  in, 
5i-3- 

See  also  Ben  Sira;  and  Ec- 
clesiasticus. 

Edersheim,  Dr.,  on  Ben  Sira, 
68-9. 

Education,  compulsory,  in  Judaea, 
95;  in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira, 
96-8;  facilities  for  an,  in 
Safed,  209. 

See  also  Instruction. 

Egypt,  alluded  to,  205. 

Ehrt,  on  Maccabaean  Psalms,  44. 

Eighteen  Benedictions,  the,  in- 
fluenced by  Ecclesiasticus,  50, 
51;  in  their  earliest  form, 
67-8;  and  Ben  Sira,  67,  68; 
and  Isaiah,  67;  conclusion  of, 
167. 


INDEX 


339 


Eighteenth  century,  the,  ideas  of, 
149. 

Ekkehart,  alluded  to,  178. 

Eleazar  ben  Arach,  and  the  first 
chapter  of  Ezekiel,  124-5. 

Eleazar  ben  Simon,  the  Associates 
of  Loria  the  reincarnations 
of,  277. 

Eliezer  Azkari,  and  the  society 
Tent  of  Peace,  244;  on  ascetic 
practices,  246. 

Eliezer,  the  Great,  eulogy  on,  1 ; 
teacher  of  Aquila,  21-2. 

Elijah,  Gaon  of  Wilna,  on  fasting, 
162;  exponent  of  Judaism, 
192;  a Jewish  reformer,  192; 
book  by  a pupil  of,  192-3; 
and  the  study  of  the  Bible, 
200;  alluded  to,  204. 

Elijah,  the  Prophet,  synagogue 
at  Cairo  named  for,  5 ; office 
of,  as  historical  recorder,  57, 
58;  the  model  of  the  saint, 
161;  and  Joshua  ben  Levi, 
166;  the  model  of  zealots, 
171;  an  exponent  of  Juda- 
ism, 192;  Joseph  Caro  worthy 
of  communion  with,  214;  an- 
nounces the  birth  of  Isaac 
Loria,  252-3;  Isaac  Loria  in 
communion  with,  255;  the 
teacher  of  Isaac  Loria  in  the 
Cabbala  256. 

Elijah  Bashiatsi,  Karaite,  on  the 
German  Jews  in  Palestine, 
252. 

Elijah  Cohen,  influence  of  Safed 
on,  282. 

Elijah  Loanz,  a kinsman  of  Isaac 
Loria,  251. 

Elijah  de  Vidas,  on  the  Society  of 
Penitents,  245;  work  by, 
278-9. 

Eliot,  George,  Kaufmann  on,  126. 

Elisha  ben  Abuyah,  and  the  daugh- 
ter-voice, 1 15. 

Elsmere,  Robert,  alluded  to,  188. 


Emanations,  the,  of  the  Cabbala, 
258;  dwelt  upon  by  Moses 
Cordovero,  261. 

Emancipation,  deeds  of,  in  the 
Genizah,  11. 

Emerson,  alluded  to,  200. 

Eminences.  See  Gaonim. 

England,  Rabbis  from,  go  to  the 
Holy  Land,  205. 

English  Jews,  a foreigner  on,  189- 
93- 

Enoch,  the  Book  of,  alluded  to, 
125. 

Ephraim,  the  father  of  Joseph 
Caro,  210. 

Epitaphs,  the  wording  of,  1. 

Erbauungslectiire  itnserer  Altvor- 
deren  by  Dr.  P.  F.  Frankl, 
referred  to,  139. 

Essenes,  alluded  to,  in. 

Esther,  sister-in-law  of  Gliickel 
von  Hameln,  133. 

Esther,  the  Book  of,  quoted,  15 1; 
homiletical  commentary  on, 
227-8. 

Esther  Schwab.  See  Schwab,  Es- 
ther. 

Ethrog,  the,  charity  and  the  duty 
of,  173-4. 

Etymologische  Studien,  by  Barth, 
quoted,  32. 

Etymology,  affected  by  theology, 

32- 

Europe,  Jewish  study  centres  es- 
tablished in,  28. 

Ewald,  alluded  to,  33,  200. 

Excommunications,  in  the  Geni- 
zah, 11. 

Exegesis,  Biblical,  two  theological 
schools  in,  32-4;  value  of,  40; 
value  of  the  Hebrew  Ec- 
clesiasticus  for,  43-4;  and  the 
dates  of  Ben  Sira,  55-6;  mod- 
ern, and  the  Talmud,  105-6; 
and  Christian  bias,  200. 

See  also  Interpretation. 

“ Exile,  The  Prince  of  the,” 
Genizah  documents  on,  ix. 


340 


INDEX 


Exodus,  the  Book  of,  passage  in, 
interpreted,  76. 

Exports  from  Safed,  230. 

“ Expositor,  The,”  first  to  publish 
the  original  Hebrew  of  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  45. 

Eye,  term  for  the  Keneseth  Israel, 
12 1. 

Ezekiel,  expounder  of  the  “ Priest- 
ly Code,”  36;  vision  of,  124-5. 

Es  ha-Chayim,  book  ascribed  to 
Vital,  279;  for  the  few,  281. 

Ezra,  the  Book  of,  quoted,  244. 

Ezra  the  Scribe,  Synagogue  of, 
at  Cairo,  5;  the  Ordinances 
of,  and  the  dates  of  Ben 
Sira,  56;  alluded  to,  105. 

Farming,  occupation  of  the  Jews 
in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira,  71; 
near  Safed,  230. 

Fasting,  inferences  from  the  com- 
mand of,  161;  by  saints, 
161-3;  enjoined  upon  Joseph 
Caro  by  his  Mentor-Angel, 
215;  practiced  by  the  Asso- 
ciates, 245-6;  prohibited  on 
the  Sabbath,  248. 

See  also  Ascetic  practices;  As- 
cetic teachings;  Asceticism. 

“ Father  in  heaven,”  not  under- 
stood by  Christian  writers, 
120-1. 

See  also  Heavenly  Father. 

“ Father  of  the  Court  of  Justice,” 
a proselyte,  64. 

See  also  Ab-Beth-Din. 

“ Fathers,”  the  first  of  the  Eigh- 
teen Benedictions,  and  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  51,  67,  68. 

Fathers,  the  other  Books  of  the, 
Ben  Sira’s  description  of  the 
Hagiographa,  59. 

Fathers  of  the  Church,  the,  cited, 
21,  23. 

See  also  Jerom«,  Origen. 


Fathers  of  the  Synagogue,  the, 
quoted,  12,  107. 

See  also  Pirke  Aboth, 

Faust,  a Jewish,  248. 

Ferdinand,  of  Spain,  alluded  to,  212. 

Festivals,  the,  as  viewed  by  the 
saint,  158. 

Figs,  produced  near  Safed,  230. 

Fire,  baptism  with,  109. 

Fisch,  friend  of  Joseph  Hameln, 

131. 

Forbidden  food,  and  the  saint, 
159-61;  Nachmanides  on,  160. 

See  also  Dietary  laws,  the. 

Fragments,  the,  in  the  Genizah, 
character  of,  5-6;  irregular 
traffic  with,  9;  number  of,  9; 
classes  of,  9-11,  12-13;  diffi- 
cult to  classify,  13-14;  hand- 
writing of,  14;  trellis-writing 
exemplified  in,  14-15;  by 
Aquila,  19,  25;  on  the  period 
of  the  Gaonim,  28-9. 

See  also  Bible,  the,  fragments 
of,  in  the  Genizah;  Genizah, 
a;  Liturgy,  the. 

France,  Rabbis  from,  go  to  the 
Holy  Land,  205. 

Frankfort,  alluded  to,  134;  a 
branch  of  the  Loria  family  in, 
251. 

Frankl,  Dr.  P.  F.,  on  the  litera- 
ture in  Jiidisch-Deutsch,  139. 

Frederick  III,  of  Denmark,  the 
Jews  under,  128. 

Frederick  William,  Elector  of 
Brandenburg,  and  Elia  Gom- 
perz,  136;  at  the  wedding  of 
Gliickel  von  Hameln’s  daugh- 
ter, 137. 

Freudchen,  wife  of  Joseph  Ha- 
meln, 131. 

Freudenthal,  alluded  to,  112. 

Friedmann,  Meyer,  alluded  to,  12. 

Friendship,  the  Jewish  view  of, 
93;  Ben  Sira  on,  93-4. 

Fruits,  metaphorically  used,  107. 

Funerals,  costliness  of,  ioo-r. 


INDEX 


34i 


Gabirol,  and  the  study  of  the 
Bible,  200. 

Galanti.  See  Abraham  Galanti; 
and  Moses  Galanti. 

Galilee,  Upper,  Safed  in,  202;  the 
situation  of  the  Jews  of,  207. 

Gamaliel,  and  funeral  reform,  100. 

Gaon.  See  Shem  Tob  Ibn  Gaon. 

Gaonim,  the,  period  of  the  most 
prominent  of,  reconstructed 
by  the  Genizah  fragments, 
28-9;  letters  and  books  by, 
28. 

Garden,  The.  See  Pardes. 

“ Gates  of  Holiness,  The,”  by 
Chayim  Vital,  279;  a popular 
book,  281. 

Gavinezo.  See  Jacob  Gavinezo. 

Genealogical  tables,  in  Rabbinic 
literature,  106. 

General  Board.  See  Beth  ha- 
IV  a’ ad. 

Genesis,  the  Book  of,  a passage 
in,  interpreted,  24;  quoted, 
32.  175- 

Genizah,  a,  defined,  1-2;  corn- 
tents  of,  2-3. 

Genizah,  the,  at  Cairo,  3,  5-30; 
manuscripts  in,  6-7;  printed 
matter  in,  7;  difficulties  of 
working  in,  7-8;  classes  of 
fragments  in,  9-1 1,  12-13,  13- 
30;  specimens  of  handwriting 
in,  13-14;  Aquila’s  Bible  ver- 
sion in,  19,  25;  and  the 

Gaonim,  28-9. 

See  also  Fragments,  the,  in  the 
Genizah. 

“ Genizah  Specimens,”  published 
in  “ The  Jewish  Quarterly 
Review,”  45. 

Gentiles,  to  be  loved,  168,  270;  to 
be  prayed  for,  171. 

Georgian-Hebrew  palimpsests,  iS. 

German  community  in  Safed,  229. 

German  Jews,  emigrate  to  Moham- 
medan countries,  251-2;  intro- 


duce the  printing  trade  in 
Safed,  231. 

Gibson,  Mrs.  See  Lewis-Gibson 
collection,  the. 

Gifts  of  the  Levite,  by  Solomon 
Alkabez,  227-8. 

Gifts,  the  twenty-four,  of  the 
priesthood,  73-4. 

Girls,  the  education  of,  97-8. 

Gluckel  von  Hameln,  importance 
of  the  Memoirs  of,  126-7; 
parentage  of,  127;  simplicity 
of,  128;  first  recollections  of, 
128-9;  on  the  return  of  the 
Jews  to  Hamburg,  129;  on 
the  Chmielnicki  persecution, 
130;  illness  of,  130;  marriage 
of,  131;  on  her  husband’s 
family,  13 1-3;  on  her  hus- 
band, 133-4;  removes  to  Ham- 
burg, 134;  as  a business  wo- 
man, 134;  on  Sabbatai  Zebi, 

135- 6;  daughter  of,  married, 

136- 7;  humility  of,  138,  140-1, 
144;  activities  of,  138;  edu- 
cation of,  138-9;  a theodicy 
by,  139-40;  on  the  mercy  of 
God,  140;  on  immortality, 
141-2;  on  service  of  God,  142- 
3;  on  love  of  neighbour,  143; 
injunctions  of,  to  her  chil- 
dren, 144-5;  last  years  of, 
145-6;  second  marriage  of, 
145-6;  death  of,  146. 

Gnosis,  fragment  of,  a Jewish, 
1 12. 

God,  love  of  and  saintliness, 
1 80- 1. 

Goethe,  as  a student  of  Hebrew, 
35- 

Gold  ink,  used  by  Jews,  14. 

Goliath,  alluded  to,  in. 

Gomperz,  Elia,  father-in-law  of 
Gluckel  von  Hameln’s  daugh- 
ter, 136. 

Gomperz,  Kossman,  son-in-law  of 
Gluckel  von  Hameln,  136-7. 


342 


INDEX 


Gospels,  the,  and  Schleiermacher, 
104. 

See  also  Johannine  Gospel,  the; 
and  Synoptic  Gospels,  the. 

Grace,  the  reality  of,  and  saint- 
liness, 179,  180-1. 

Grace  after  meals,  at  a banquet, 
88;  how  to  pronounce,  239;  a 
Psalm  added  to,  247. 

Graetz,  alluded  to,  112. 

Grain,  exported  from  Safed,  230. 

Great  Synagogue,  the,  and  the 
dates  of  Ben  Sira,  56;  contro- 
versy about,  105-6. 

Greatness,  human,  the  ideal  of 
191. 

Greek,  the  use  of,  by  Aquila,  22-3, 
24;  esteemed  by  the  Rabbis, 
24. 

Greek-Hebrew  palimpsests,  18,  25. 

Greek  synagogue,  in  Safed,  229. 

Greek  version  of  the  Bible,  the,  by 
Aquila,  22-5;  in  the  Genizah, 
25;  value  of  Genizah  frag- 
ments of,  25. 

Green,  the  colour  of  Sabbatai 
Zebi,  135. 

Grieve,  David,  alluded  to,  188. 

Grove,  Mrs.  Lily,  quoted,  137. 

Hadrian,  Emperor,  kinsman  of 
Aquila,  20. 

Hagiographa,  the  , colophons  to 
manuscripts  of,  16;  date  of, 
44;  and  the  dates  of  Ben  Sira, 
56;  Ben  Sira  on,  59. 

Hai,  alluded  to,  28. 

Halevy,  Joseph,  on  Job  and  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  46-7. 

Hamburg,  the  re-settlement  of  the 
Jews  in,  127,  129;  in  the 

Memoirs  of  Gluckel  von  Ha- 
meln,  128;  victims  of  Chmiel- 
nicki  in,  130;  the  home  of 
Gluckel  von  Hameln,  134-5; 
Messianic  fever  in,  135. 

Hameln,  difficulty  of  journey  to, 
I3I- 


Plananel  Ibn  Askara,  migrates  to 
Safed,  206. 

Handicrafts,  and  the  Torah.  79-80; 
in  the  education  of  children, 
96. 

See  also  Artisan;  and  Trades. 

Handwriting  of  the  Bible  frag- 
ments in  the  Genizah,  13-14. 

Hanover,  alluded  to,  131,  204. 

Harvest,  metaphorically  used,  107. 

Hatred,  impairs  the  relation  be- 
tween man  and  his  fellow, 
166. 

“ Head  of  the  banquet  house,” 

84-5- 

Pleave-offering.  See  Terumali. 

Heavenly  Academy,  the,  greetings 
from,  to  Joseph  Caro,  218-19; 
Isaac  Loria  and,  256. 

Heavenly  Father,  a favourite  ex- 
pression with  Gluckel  von 
Hameln,  142-3. 

See  also  “ Father  in  heaven.” 

Hebrew,  secular  use  of,  3 ; the 
study  of,  difficult,  35;  impor- 
tance of  vocalisation  of,  35-6; 
purpose  of  the  study  of,  36; 
ignorance  of,  and  criticism  of 
the  Bible,  37-8;  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  46;  how  much 
known  by  Gluckel  von  Ham- 
eln, 138-9;  and  Jewish  uni- 
versity students,  194-5;  need 
of  the  study  of,  197-8;  ignor- 
ance of,  among  Jews,  198-9. 

Hebrew-Hebrew  palimpsests,  18. 

Hebrew  literature,  a Testament, 

31-2. 

Heine,  and  Lechah  Dodi,  228. 

Heiresses,  in  Jerusalem,  95. 

Heirs,  male,  Ben  Sira  on,  98-9. 

Hellenistic  influence  on  the  age  of 
Ben  Sira,  55. 

Hengstenberg,  Prof.,  alluded  to, 
33- 

Herder,  and  Lechah  Dodi,  228. 

Hessen,  Parnas  of.  See  Joseph 
Hameln. 


INDEX 


343 


Hexapla,  the,  preserves  render- 
ings by  Aquila,  25. 

High  priest,  a,  commission  bought 
for,  95. 

High  priest,  the,  as  described  in 
the  Aristeas  Letter,  61. 

High  priests,  the,  privileges  of,  75. 

Higher  criticism,  the.  See  Ex- 
egesis, Biblical. 

Hildesheim,  alluded  to,  135. 

Hillel,  and  the  Temple,  63;  the 
doctrine  of  immortality  in  the 
time  of,  70;  a workingman, 
80;  alluded  to,  123. 

Historisch-Kritische  Einleitung  (to 
the  Old  Testament),  by 
Kuenen,  value  of,  40. 

History,  in  the  Genizah,  12,  13, 
28-9;  contemporaneous,  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  51-3. 

History  of  the  Jewish  People  in 
the  Age  of  Jesus  Christ,  by 
Schiirer,  value  of,  119-20. 

Holiness,  allied  with  saintliness, 
151;  defined,  15 1-2;  heading 
for  marriage  laws,  176. 

Holinesses,  the  third  of  the  Eigh- 
teen Benedictions,  67-8. 

Holy  Ghost,  the.  See  Holy  Spirit, 
the. 

Holy  Land,  the,  a refuge  for 
exiles,  202,  203,  204-6;  de- 

scribed by  Samuel  Usque, 
203;  pilgrimages  to,  205-6;  ex- 
plored, 205;  Joseph  Caro  de- 
sires to  settle  in,  219-20; 
attraction  of,  231-3. 

“ Holy  Man,  The,”  epithet  of 
Isaac  Loria,  267. 

Holy  Spirit,  the,  and  Canonical 
books,  2;  baptism  with,  109; 
as  used  in  Jewish  literature, 
no;  and  purification,  no-n; 
symbolised,  m-12;  and  truth, 
163. 

Home,  the  Jewish,  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  70. 


Homiletic  commentary  on  the 
Bible,  by  Moses  Alsheich,  241. 

Homiletic  nature  of  toasts,  87. 

Horae  Rabbinicae,  by  Lightfoot, 
and  the  Talmud,  103. 

Horwitz.  See  Isaiah  Horwitz;  and 
Sabbatai  Horwitz. 

House  of  Assembly,  the.  See 
Beth  ha-Keneseth,  the 

“ House  of  Interpretation.”  See 
Beth  ha-Midrash,  the;  and 
Synagogue,  the. 

Humility,  of  Gliickel  von  Hameln, 
138,  140-1,  144;  the  antidote 
to  all  unsocial  qualities,  168- 
70;  story  illustrating,  208-9; 
of  Isaac  Loria,  272. 

Hurwitz,  Abraham.  See  Abraham 
Hurwitz. 

Husks,  the,  the  powers  of  evil, 
Isaac  Loria  delivered  from, 
253;  disguises,  260. 

Hymns,  for  the  Sabbath  meals, 
249. 

Hymnus  Patrum,  in  Ecclesiasticus, 
46,  47,  48-9,  50,  67-8. 

Hypocrites,  excluded  from  the 
Divine  Presence,  238. 

Ibn  Ezra,  alluded  to,  200. 

Idras,  the,  of  the  Zohar,  261-3; 
studied  by  the  school  of 
Isaac  Loria,  267. 

Idra,  the  Great,  262-3. 

Immanations,  the,  of  the  Cab- 
bala, 258,  259. 

Immersion,  in  Jewish  literature, 
109-10. 

Immortality,  the  doctrine  of,  in 
Ecclesiasticus,  69;  accepted  in 
the  Pharisaic  schools,  70; 
Gliickel  von  Hameln  on, 
141-2;  belief  in,  a Jewish  doc- 
trine, 142. 

“ In  Memoriam,”  and  the  Sermon 
on  the  Mount,  36. 

Indians,  the,  and  Orientalism,  150. 

Informers,  how  looked  upon,  166. 


INDEX 


SH 


Injury  to  one’s  neighbour,  and 
saintliness,  165-6. 

Ink,  gold,  used  by  Jews,  14. 

Instruction,  main  function  of  the 
Synagogue  in  Ben  Sira’s  time, 
63;  free  in  the  Synagogue,  66. 

See  also  Education. 

Interpretation,  Rabbinic  rules  of, 

1 16-18. 

Intolerance,  displayed  by  the 
Shulchan  Aruch,  212. 

Introductions  to  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, value  of,  37. 

Iron-smiths,  among  the  Jews  in  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  71. 

Isaac,  the  Rock  of,  in  Ecclesiasti- 
cus,  67. 

Isaac  ben  Joseph  Chelo,  on  Safed, 
206. 

Isaac  Loria  , mystic,  narrative 
about,  175;  prominent  figure 
in  Safed,  210;  on  Moses  Cor- 
dovero,  241 ; on  Moses  Al- 
sheich,  241 ; the  family  of, 
251;  the  birth  of,  252-3;  the 
circumcision  of,  253;  pre- 
cocity of,  253;  adopted  by  his 
uncle,  253;  teachers  of,  253, 
257;  introduced  to  the  Cab- 
bala, 254-5;  devoted  student 
of  the  Cabbala,  255;  Elijah 
teaches  the  Cabbala  to,  256; 
legendary  account  of,  256; 
library  of,  256;  indebted  to 
Moses  Cordovero,  257-8,  261; 
Associates  of,  in  Safed,  257, 
263-5;  and  the  system  of  Zim- 
sum,  260-1;  inspired  by  the 
Idras,  262-3;  life  of,  in  Safed, 
263-4;  son  of,  264;  estimate 
of,  as  a Cabbalist,  265-6; 
epithets  of,  266,  267;  the  fol- 
lowers of,  266;  and  Chayim 
Vital,  266-7;  reticent  on  Cab- 
balistic subjects,  267,  275,  280; 
personality  of,  267  ct  seq.; 
a literature  on,  269;  and  his 
Associates,  269-70;  prayer  in 


the  system  of,  270-1;  consid- 
erateness of,  271-2;  charitable- 
ness of,  272-3;  relation  of,  to 
workmen,  273-5;  the  Sabbath 
celebrated  by,  275-8;  holds 
intercourse  with  the  departed, 
275-6;  and  metempsychosis, 
275-7;  mystical  songs  by,  278; 
spiritualises  the  whole  life  of 
man,  278-9;  abstract  of  the 
teachings  of,  by  Vital,  279;  and 
Joseph  Caro,  279;  death  of, 
280;  questionable  authenticity 
of  the  writings  ascribed  to, 
280;  adherents  of,  283;  syna- 
gogue in  memory  of,  284. 

Isabella,  of  Spain,  alluded  to,  212. 

Isaiah,  the  Prophet,  the  Second,  a 
fact,  39;  alluded  to,  69. 

Isaiah,  the  Book  of,  interpreted  by 
the  Psalms,  36;  reminiscences 
of,  in  Ecclesiasticus,  50;  Ben 
Sira  on,  58-9;  and  the  Eigh- 
teen Benedictions,  67;  on  so- 
cial problems,  77;  quoted,  90, 
1 19. 

Isaiah  Horwitz,  influence  of  Safed 
on,  282;  on  Safed,  283. 

Ishmael  ben  Piabi,  high  priest, 
complaint  against  the  house 
of,  75- 

Israel  Baal  Shem,  a Jewish  re- 
former, 192;  and  the  study  of 
the  Bible,  200;  alluded  to, 
204. 

Israel  Nagara,  alluded  to,  157; 
as  a devotional  poet,  251. 

Italian  synagogue  in  Safed,  229. 

Jabez.  See  Joseph  Jabez. 

Jabneh  the  daughter-voice  heard 
in,  114;  and  Johanan  ben 
Zakkai,  124. 

Jachet-Agathe  Schwab,  mother-in- 
law  of  Gliickel  von  Hameln’s 
daughter,  146. 

Jacob,  the  Mighty  One  of,  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus, 67. 


INDEX 


345 


Jacob  ben  Asher,  author  of  Arba 
Turim,  2:1;  epithet  of,  in  the 
Maggid  Mesharim,  222. 

Jacob  Berab,  position  of,  in  Safed, 
233-5;  recognised  as  an  au- 
thority, 233;  works  of,  233; 
attempts  to  re-introduce  Ordi- 
nation, 233-5;  opponent  of, 
234;  ordains  elders,  234,  235; 
death  of,  235. 

Jacob  Gavinezo,  quoted  by  Eliezer 
Azkari,  246. 

Jacob  Mantino,  betrays  Solomon 
Molko,  225. 

James,  apostle,  alluded  to,  100. 

Jansenists,  the  School  of  the,  al- 
luded to,  178. 

Jason,  a traitorous  priest,  65. 

Jealousy,  impairs  the  relation  be- 
tween man  and  his  fellow, 
166. 

Jeconiah,  and  the  daughter-voice, 
113-14. 

Jeremiah,  the  Prophet,  synagogue 
at  Cairo  named  for,  5 ; alluded 
to,  277. 

Jeremiah,  the  Book  of,  reminis- 
cences of,  in  Ecclesiasticus, 
50;  quoted,  114,  151;  passage 
in,  interpreted,  118. 

Jerome,  on  Aquila’s  Greek  version 
of  the  Bible,  24;  mentions 
Ecclesiasticus,  45. 

Jeruham,  epithet  of,  in  the  Mag- 
gid Mesharim,  222. 

Jerusalem,  a dinner  in,  84-91;  a 
religious  centre,  204-5;  un- 
favourable conditions  prevail- 
ing in,  207;  Solomon  Molko 
visits,  224;  outstrips  Safed, 
283. 

Jerusalem  Talmud,  the,  fragments 
of,  in  the  Genizah,  10,  25, 
27-8;  scientific  value  of,  27-8. 

See  also,  Talmud,  the. 

Jesus,  Jewish  literature  on,  102; 
the  time  of,  102;  the  baptism 
of,  iio-ii;  Jewish  life  in  the 


time  of,  not  properly  treated, 
120;  place  of,  in  the  Old  Test- 
ament studies  by  Christians, 
201. 

Jesus  Sirach  und  die  sociale 
Frage,  by  Pastor  Wohlenberg, 
quoted,  77. 

Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach.  See  Ben 
Sira;  and  Ecclesiasticus. 

Jewish  persuasion,  the,  and,  na- 
tionality, 182-3. 

“ Jewish  Quarterly  Review,  The,” 
publishes  the  original  Hebrew 
of  Ecclesiasticus,  45. 

Jewish  Theological  Seminary  of 
America,  The,  in  possession 
of  Alimah,  by  Moses  Cor- 
dovero,  240;  a manuscript  in, 
used,  289. 

Jews,  the,  and  the  Septuagint,  23; 
and  national  self-conscious- 
ness, 182-3;  and  a religious 
mission,  184-7;  and  intellect- 
ual achievements,  184-5;  of 
the  East  and  West  contrasted, 
185-6,  189-93;  and  the  natural 
sciences,  193;  and  the  Hebrew 
language,  194-5;  and  theology, 
195- 

Job,  the  Book  of,  theories' on  the 
date  of,  46;  the  name  of, 
omitted  in  the  Greek  Ec- 
clesiasticus, 46-7;  and  the  cos- 
mography of  Ben  Sira,  47; 
and  the  Eighteen  Benedic- 
tions, 68;  verses  from,  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus, 68;  quoted,  113. 

Job,  epithet  of,  118. 

Joel,  M.,  alluded  to,  112. 

Johanan  ben  Zakkai,  and  the  first 
chapter  of  Ezekiel,  123-5. 

Johannine  Gospel,  the,  as  used  by 
Schleiermacher,  104. 

Jonah,  Rabbenu,  epithet  of,  in  the 
Maggid  Mesharim,  222.. 

Jose,  vision  of,  1 12-13. 

Joseph,  epithet  of,  118. 


34^ 


INDEX 


Joseph  Ashkenazi,  and  Isaac 
Loria,  257. 

Joseph  Caro,  legist  self-control  of, 
160- 1 ; on  the  avoidance  of 
anger,  170;  on  Safed,  202; 
prominent  figure  in  Safed, 
210;  birth  and  early  life  of, 

210- n;  the  first  Halachic  au- 
thority, 211-12;  works  by, 

211- 13;  the  Mentor- Angel  of, 
213  et  seq.;  and  Elijah,  214; 
matrimonial  affairs  of,  215; 
asceticism  practiced  by,  215- 
16;  maxims  by,  216;  reading 
and  studies,  urged  upon,  by 
the  Mentor-Angel,  217;  three 
aspirations  of,  217-21;  desires 
recognition  as  an  intellectual 
authority,  217-19;  the  son  of, 
217-18,  285;  desires  to  settle 
in  the  Holy  Land,  219-20; 
desires  martyrdom,  220-1, 
226-7;  attachment  of,  to  Solo- 
mon Alkabez,  222,  237;  at- 
tachment of,  to  Solomon 
Molko,  222,  225-7;  reasons  of, 
for  settling  in  Safed,  22S, 
232-3;  and  Jacob  Berab,  233, 
234;  ordained  elder,  234;  in- 
fluence of,  grows,  235,  236-7; 
as  head  of  a Talmudical  col- 
lege, 236-7;  on  Moses  Cor- 
dovero,  240-1;  alluded  to,  250; 
and  Isaac  Loria,  257,  264-5, 
279;  and  the  Cabbala,  264-5; 
death  of,  283;  disciple  of, 
283. 

Joseph  Ilameln,  father-in-law  of 
Gluckel,  marriage  of,  13 1; 
Gliickel’s  veneration  for,  132. 

Joseph  Jabez,  on  the  Jews  of 
Spain,  203,  204. 

Joseph  Mantabia,  on  Safed,  206. 

Joseph  Nagara,  scribe  in  Safed, 

251. 

Joseph  de  la  Reina,  fate  of,  248. 

Joseph  Saragossi,  a resident  of 
Safed.  activities  of,  206-7; 


Talmudic  college  established 
by,  209. 

Joseph  Taytasak,  teacher  of  Solo- 
mon Alkabez,  227;  teacher  of 
Moses  Alsheich,  241. 

Joseph  Trani,  emigrates  to  Turkey, 
285. 

Joseph  Zarphathi,  the  Epistle  of, 
252. 

Josephus,  on  the  Persian-Greek 
period  of  Jewish  history,  43, 
used  by  the  higher  criticism, 
105. 

Joshua,  teacher  of  Aquila,  21,  22. 

Joshua  ben  Gamala,  how  made 
high  priest,  95. 

Joshua  ben  Hananiah,  and  Ben 
Soma,  1 12. 

Joshua  ben  Levi  and  the  daugh- 
ter-voice, 1 14-15;  and  Elijah, 
165-6. 

Joshua  ben  Nun,  rabbi  in  Safed, 
284. 

Joshua  ben  Perachyah,  on  friend- 
ship, 93. 

Joy,  the  place  of,  in  the  life  of 
the  mystic,  250. 

Judah  Halevi,  alluded  to,  157, 
204;  and  the  study  of  the 
Bible,  200. 

Judaism,  Aquila  a proselyte  to,  20, 
21,  22;  the  state  of,  in  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  58;  limita- 
tions ignorantly  ascribed  to, 
148-9,  161,  186,  190;  and  the 
ideas  of  the  twentieth  cen- 
tury, 150;  and  the  relation  of 
the  sexes,  175-6;  charged  with 
lack  of  enthusiasm,  186,  190; 
English,  a foreigner  on,  189- 
93;  asceticism  in,  191-2; 
proper  exponents  of,  192;  the 
reformers  of,  192;  spirituality 
in,  192-3;  and  learning,  196-7; 
unfavourable  position  of, 
197-9. 

Judaism,  post-exilic,  character  of, 
34;  the  Synagogue  in,  6a. 


INDEX 


347 


Jiidisch-Deutseh,  language  of  the 
Memoirs  of  Gluckel  von  Ha- 
meln,  138;  literature  in,  and 
Gluckel  von  Hameln,  139. 

Kalir,  and  Safed,  202. 

Kaliric  period,  the,  specimens  of, 
in  the  Genizah,  19. 

Karaites,  the,  controversies  of, 
with  the  Rabbinites,  28. 

Kaufmann,  David,  as  editor,  126-7. 

Kautzsch,  chronology  of  the  Per- 
sian-Greek  period  by,  41. 

Kaydanower.  See  Aaron  Kay- 
danower. 

“ Kedushah,”  heading  for  mar- 
riage laws,  176. 

Kedushah,  holiness,  allied  with 
Chasiduth,  151-2. 

See  also  Holiness. 

Kedushath  ha-Guph,  holiness  of 
the  flesh,  insisted  on,  283. 

Kelale  ka-Talmud,  by  Joseph  Caro, 
213. 

Keneseth  ha-Gedolah,  the,  and  the 
dates  of  Ben  Sira,  56. 

See  also  Great  Synagogue,  the. 

Keneseth  Israel,  the,  in  Rabbinic 
theology,  X21-2;  and  the  indi- 
vidual, 123-5. 

See  also  Congregation  of  Israel, 
the. 

Kennicott,  on  the  Septuagint,  15. 

Keseph  Mishneh,  by  Joseph  Caro, 
2x2-13. 

Kethubah,  the,  forgotten  at  the 
wedding  of  Gluckel  von  Ha- 
meln’s  daughter,  137. 

Ketkubim,  the.  See  Hagiographa, 

the. 

Kiddush,  the,  and  Solomon  Molko, 
224;  made  by  Isaac  Loria, 
278. 

Kimchi,  alluded  to,  200,  261. 

“ Kingdom  of  Heaven,  The,”  not 
understood  by  Christian  writ- 
ers, 120. 


Kittel,  on  the  rise  of  the  Canon, 
43- 

Korah,  alluded  to,  376. 

Krochmal,  on  the  Sanhedrin,  106; 
a Jewish  reformer,  192. 

Kuenen,  as  a Bible  critic,  40; 
alluded  to,  42,  200;  on  the 
Sanhedrin,  106. 

Lamb,  term  for  the  Keneseth  Is- 
rael, 121. 

Laresa,  alluded  to,  206. 

Lassalle,  alluded  to,  77. 

Law,  the,  in  the  time  of  Ben 
Sira,  58;  the  standard  of,  not 
applicable  to  the  saint,  152; 
and  spirituality,  187-8,  190; 

the  proper  performance  of, 
191 ; the  need  of  study  of,  197, 
200-1. 

See  also  Bible,  the;  Pentateuch, 
the;  and  Torah,  the. 

Leases,  among  the  Genizah  frag- 
ments, 28. 

Lechah  Dodi,  by  Solomon  Alka- 
bez,  popularity  of,  228;  sung 
by  Isaac  Loria,  275. 

Legal  documents,  in  the  Genizah, 
1 1. 

Legends,  regarding  Aquila,  20-2; 
regarding  Jesus,  102;  regard- 
ing Solomon  Molko,  224;  re- 
garding Isaac  Loria,  252-3, 
254,  256,  257;  regarding  Gor- 
do vero,  261;  regarding  Jere- 
miah, 277. 

Leipzig,  alluded  to,  134. 

Lemberg,  alluded  to,  132. 

Letters,  among  the  Genizah  frag- 
ments, 28. 

Levi  ben  (Aben)  Chabib,  on  the 
leadership  of  Safed,  230;  op- 
ponent of  Jacob  Berab,  in  the 
Ordination  controversy,  234. 

Levitical  Code,  the,  binding  in  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  64. 

See  also  Priestly  Code,  the. 


34? 


INDEX 


Leviticus,  the  Book  of,  value  of, 
for  children,  x 6 ; a passage  in, 
interpreted,  1 1 6 ; quoted,  270, 
273- 

Levy,  Cerf.  See  Cerf  Levy. 

Lewis-Gibson  collection  of  frag- 
ments, the,  and  Ecclesiasticus, 
10,  45- 

Lewis,  Mrs.  See  Lewis-Gibson 
collection,  the. 

Liars,  excluded  from  the  Divine 
Presence,  238. 

See  also  Lying. 

Liddon,  alluded  to,  187. 

Lieria.  See  Moses  of  Lieria. 

Lightfoot,  and  the  Talmud,  103. 

Likkute  Shoshanim,  manuscript  in 
Columbia  University,  289. 

Lily,  the,  used  allegorically  in 
Rabbinic  literature,  108. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  on  the  sin  of 
Slavery,  157. 

“ Lion-Whelps,  The,”  the  follow- 
ers of  Isaac  Loria,  266. 

Lisbon,  alluded  to,  223. 

Literature,  Hebrew,  a Testament, 
31-2. 

“ Little  Book  of  Saints,”  quoted, 
174. 

Liturgical  elements  in  Ecclesiasti- 
cus, 50,  si. 

Liturgy,  a,  created  by  the  Syna- 
gogue, 67;  for  midnight,  156. 

Liturgy,  the  fragments  of,  in  the 
Genizah,  9,  10,  12,  18-19, 

25-6;  palimpsests,  18-19;  sim- 
ilarity of,  to  Ecclesiasticus, 
26;  confession  of  sins  in,  157. 

See  also  Paitanim;  Piyutim; 
and  Prayer. 

Lives,  The,  by  Plutarch,  cited,  20. 

Loanz.  See  Elijah  Loanz. 

Lob  Bon,  brother-in-law  of  Gliick- 
el  von  Hameln,  133. 

Lob  Pinkerle,  father  of  Gliickel 
von  Hameln,  127;  provides  for 
the  victims  of  Chmielnicki, 
130;  informed  against,  130-1. 


“ Lord’s  Prayer,”  the,  parallel  to, 
in  the  Talmud,  120. 

Loria,  Isaac.  See  Isaac  Loria. 

Lorraine,  alluded  to,  145. 

Love,  the  antidote  to  all  unsocial 
qualities,  168-71;  the  vocabu- 
lary of,  applied  to  the  relation 
of  man  to  God,  176. 

Luzzatto,  Moses  Chayim,  books 
by,  281-2. 

Luzatto,  Samuel  David,  as  a Bible 
critic,  44;  and  the  study  of 
the  Bible,  200. 

Lydda,  alluded  to,  165. 

Lying,  classified,  165. 

See  also  Liars. 

MacAlister,  Dr.  Donald,  alluded 
to,  3- 

Maccabaean  Psalms,  the,  the  num- 
ber of,  doubtful,  42;  lan- 
guage of,  44;  hypothesis  of, 
not  endorsed  by  the  original 
Ecclesiasticus,  46,  47-8 ; scep- 
ticism as  to  the  hypothesis  of, 
56. 

See  also  Psalms,  the. 

Maccabseans,  the,  the  rise  of, 
after  Ben  Sira,  55. 

Maccabees,  the,  Second  Book  of, 
cited,  65. 

Maggid,  the,  of  Joseph  Caro.  See 
Mentor-Angel,  the,  of  Joseph 
Caro. 

Maggid,  the,  of  Solomon  Molko, 
224. 

Maggid  Mesharim,  the,  by  Joseph 
Caro,  213;  diary  of  spiritual 
experiences,  214;  non-legal 
nature  of,  214-15;  names  oc- 
curring in,  221-2. 

Magi,  the,  story  of,  as  viewed  by 
the  Rabbinic  student,  107. 

Maimonides,  alluded  to,  28;  on 
marriage  laws,  176;  and  the 
study  of  the  Bible,  200;  Jo- 
seph Caro  commentator  on 
the  works  of,  212-13;  epithet 


INDEX 


349 


of,  in  the  Maggid  Mesharim, 
222. 

Maimonides  controversy,  a docu- 
ment on  the,  and  Safed,  206. 

Makreese,  on  Cairo,  5. 

Malache  ha-Shareth,  the,  124. 

Man,  in  the  Cabbala,  261-3,  268-9, 
281;  the  Original,  262. 

Manasseh,  repentant,  115-16. 

Manoth  lia-Levi,  by  Solomon 
Alkabez,  227-8. 

Mantabia.  See  Joseph  Mantabia. 

Mantino.  See  Jacob  Mantino. 

Mantua,  Solomon  Molko  dies  at, 
225. 

Manuscripts  in  a Genizah,  6-7,  n. 

Maratta  bath  Boethus,  heiress,  95. 

Marcion,  epithet  applied  to 
Schleiermacher,  104;  alluded 
to,  159. 

Marquardt,  alluded  to,  86. 

Marrano,  a,  the  education  of,  223; 
and  the  Cabbalah,  254. 

Marriage,  Ben  Sira  on,  96,  98;  the 
Rabbis  on,  96. 

See  also  Bachelors;  and  Celi- 
bacy. 

Marriage  contracts,  in  the  Geni- 
zah, 11. 

Marriage  laws,  Maimonides  on, 
176. 

Marseillaise,  applied  to  a Piyut, 
19. 

Martineau,  quoted,  183. 

Martyrdom,  and  saintliness,  178; 
of  the  Jewesses  in  Spain,  203; 
desired  by  Joseph  Caro, 
220-1 ; of  Solomon  Molko  in- 
fluences Joseph  Caro,  226-7; 
benediction  preceding,  226-7. 

Marx,  Karl,  alluded  to,  77. 

Massoretic  notes  on  Bible  frag- 
ments in  the  Genizah,  13. 

Massoretic  text  of  the  Bible,  the, 
dread  of  partiality  for,  37. 

Matthew,  the  Gospel  of,  compared 
with  Rabbinic  literature,  107- 
10;  quoted,  123. 


Maurice  of  Nassau,  at  the  wed- 
ding of  Gliickel  von  Hameln’s 
daughter,  137. 

Meal-offering,  the,  indispensable 
in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira,  64. 

Meat,  at  dinners  in  Jerusalem, 
86,  87. 

Mechilta,  and  the  study  of  the 
Bible,  200. 

Medical  profession,  the,  in  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  72,  75-7. 

Meir.  See  Ben  Meir. 

Memoiren  der  Gliickel  von  Ha- 
mein,  edited  by  Kaufmann, 
126-7;  character  and  contents 
of,  127-8,  137;  language  of, 
138;  opening  words  of,  139; 
how  preserved,  146-7. 

“ Men  of  the  Station,”  and  fast- 
ing, 1 6 1. 

Menahem  Azariah,  on  Moses  Cor- 
dovero’s  fertility  as  an  au 
thor,  240;  on  Cordovero’s  sys- 
tem, 260-1. 

Mentor-Angel,  the,  of  Joseph 
Caro,  advises  him  to  leave 
Nicopolis,  210;  and  the  Mish- 
nah,  213;  the  voice  of,  213- 
14;  reproves  Joseph  Caro, 
214,  216;  control  exercised 

by,  215;  exacting  demands  by. 
215-16;  instructions  by,  216; 
reading  and  studies  recom- 
mended by,  217;  tenderness 
of,  217;  promises  by,  to  Jo- 
seph Caro,  217-21;  pedagog- 
ical tactics  of,  218-19,  221; 
and  sojourn  in  the  Holy 
Land,  219-20;  and  Solomon 
Molko,  225-6,  233;  on  Joseph 
Caro’s  dwelling-place,  232-3; 
and  Ordination,  234-5;  on  Jo- 
seph Caro’s  social  work,  235: 
on  the  Sabbath  meals,  248. 

See  also  Mishnah,  the. 

Menu  of  a dinner  in  Jerusalem, 

86. 


350 


INDEX 


Messiah,  the,  the  star  of,  107; 
creation  of  the  Spirit  of,  121. 

See  also  Messiah,  the,  the  ad- 
vent of. 

Messiah,  the,  the  advent  of,  pray- 
ed for  in  the  time  of  Ben 
Sira,  51;  preached  by  Solo- 
mon Molko,  224,  225;  dis- 
cussed by  the  society  Tent  of 
Peace,  244;  Joseph  de  la 
Reina  on,  248;  and  the  trans- 
migration of  souls,  276. 

Messianic  belief,  the,  in  Ecclesias- 
ticus,  50-1. 

Metaphors,  Biblical,  in  the  Cab- 
bala, 262-3. 

Metempsychosis,  Isaac  Loria  to  re- 
deem souls  from,  253;  in 
Isaac  Loria’s  system,  270, 
275-7- 

Metz,  in  the  Memoirs  of  Gliickel 
von  Hameln,  128;  home  of 
Gliickel  von  Hameln,  145-6. 

Midnight,  a time  for  prayer, 

155- 6;  order  of  prayers  for, 

156- 7;  the  confession  of  sins 
at,  157. 

Midrash,  the,  quoted,  118,  169. 

Midrash  Rabbali,  the,  commentary 
on,  241. 

Midrashim,  the,  fragments  of,  in 
the  Genizah,  10,  12;  miracles 
in,  122-3. 

Mighty  One  of  Jacob,  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  67. 

Mikweh  of  Israel,  explained,  no. 

Military  class,  a,  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  72-3. 

Milton,  alluded  to,  35. 

Minchah  services  attended  by 
business  men  in  Hamburg, 
135- 

Miracles,  place  of,  in  the  spiritual 
history  of  the  Jews,  122-5. 

Mishnah,  the,  the  language  of, 
44;  as  Caro’s  Mentor-Angel, 
161,  213;  Caro’s  fondness  for. 


213;  Caro’s  visions  of,  213- 
14. 

See  also  Mentor-Angel,  the,  of 
Joseph  Caro. 

Mishneh  Torah,  by  Maimonides, 
commentary  on,  213. 

Misod,  humility  of,  209. 

Mission,  a Jewish,  184-7. 

Missionaries,  characteristics  of, 
184,  186. 

Mitzwah,  a,  the  proper  perform- 
ance of,  191. 

Mocatti,  a Sephardic  merchant, 
137- 

Modesty,  Ben  Sira  on,  91. 

Mohammedan  countries,  migration 
of  Jews  to,  251-2. 

Mohammedans,  the,  relation  of, 
to  the  Jews  of  the  Holy  Land, 
207. 

Monday,  a fast,  162. 

Moral  precepts,  composed  by 
Moses  Cordovero,  for  the  As- 
sociates, 238-9;  composed  by 
Solomon  Alkabez,  239;  ob- 
served by  the  saints  of  Safed, 
289,  292-301. 

Morality,  and  spirituality,  187. 

Mordecai  Francis,  tax-farmer, 
uncle  of  Isaac  Loria  253, 
254-5,  268. 

Moriscos,  the,  in  Safed,  230. 

Mosaic  persuasion,  the,  and  na- 
tionality, 182-3. 

Moses,  and  the  authorship  of  the 
Torah,  39;  alluded  to,  276. 

Moses  Alsheich,  book  by,  printed 
in  Safed,  231;  disciple  of  Jo- 
seph Caro,  237,  241;  as  a 
scholar,  241;  alluded  to,  250; 
and  Samuel  ben  Nachmani, 
277. 

Moses  Cordovero,  Cabbalist,  a dis- 
ciple of.  208,  278;  brother-in- 
law  of  Solomon  Alkabez,  227, 
237;  disciple  of  Joseph  Caro, 
237;  as  Talmudist,  237;  and 
Solomon  Alkabez,  237,  239-40; 


INDEX 


351 


moral  precepts  composed  by, 
238-9,  248,  289;  chief  work 
of,  240;  other  works  of,  240; 
eulogies  on,  240-1;  alluded  to, 
250;  and  Isaac  Loria,  257-8, 
261,  264;  on  the  first  im- 
manations,  259;  and  the  sys- 
tem of  Zimzum,  260-1;  rever- 
ence for,  265;  the  disciples 
of,  and  Isaac  Loria,  266. 

Moses  Galanti,  disciple  of  Joseph 
Caro,  283,  284. 

Moses  of  Hameln,  grandson  of 
Gliickel,  146. 

Moses  ben  Joseph  Trani,  Rabbi 
at  Safed,  235-7;  ordained  an 
elder,  235;  devotion  of,  to 
Jacob  Berab,  235;  works  of, 
235;  a specialist  on  real  estate 
quotations,  236;  differs  with 
Joseph  Caro,  236;  alluded  to, 
250;  death  of,  283;  son  of, 
283,  285. 

Moses  ben  Judah,  signs  a docu- 
ment in  the  Maimonides  con- 
troversy, 206. 

Moses  of  Lieria,  precepts  by,  289. 

Mother,  term  for  the  Keneseth 
Israel,  121. 

Mourning,  the  period  of,  101. 

Music,  at  a banquet  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  88,  90. 

Mystical  works,  in  the  Genizah, 
1 1. 

Mystics,  Jewish,  on  the  Law  and 
love,  190;  on  the  world  and 
God,  259. 

Mysticism,  and  saintliness,  149, 
177-8- 

Nachmani.  See  Samuel  ben  Nach- 
mani. 

Nachmanides,  and  the  dietary 
laws,  160;  on  the  relation  of 
the  sexes,  176;  and  the  study 
of  the  Bible,  200. 


Nagara.  See  Israel  Nagara;  and 
Joseph  Nagara. 

Naphtali,  Safed  in  the  allotment 
of  the  tribe  of,  202. 

Nasi,  the,  officer  of  the  Sanhe- 
drin, 105. 

Nathan  Nata,  on  the  sinfulness 
of  the  Jews,  204. 

Nationality,  and  the  Jewish  per- 
suasion, 182-3;  Jews  begging 
for  a,  183-4. 

Natural  sciences,  the,  and  the 
Jews,  193. 

Naumann,  on  Ben  Sira,  77. 

Nazarite  vow,  the,  Ben  Sira  on, 
90;  inferences  from,  161. 

“ Needs  of  the  Congregation,”  so- 
cial work,  235. 

Nehemiah,  the  Book  of,  on  the 
portions  of  the  Levites,  74; 
and  social  evils,  78-9. 

Nephesh  ha-Chayim,  spirituality 
displayed  in,  192-3. 

Neue  Kirchliche  Zeitschrift,  al- 
luded to,  77. 

Newman,  alluded  to,  187. 

New-Hebrew,  language  of  Eccle- 
siasticus,  44,  47. 

New  Moon,  the,  additional  service 
on  the  eve  of,  in  Safed; 
243-4;  a holiday,  249. 

New  Testament,  the,  cited,  38; 
the  Talmud  important  in  the 
study  of,  103;  used  by  the 
higher  criticism,  105;  com- 
pared with  Rabbinic  homilies, 
106  et  seq.;  Rabbinic  phrase- 
ology in,  1 17;  relation  of,  to 
the  Old  Testament,  201. 

New  Year’s  Day,  the  third  Bene- 
diction for,  67-8. 

Nicopolis,  Joseph  Caro  in,  210; 
alluded  to,  220,  226. 

Nineteenth  century,  the,  ideas  of, 
149-50. 

Nowack,  on  social  problems  in  Is- 
rael, 78. 


352 


INDEX 


Numbers,  the  Book  of,  a passage 
in,  used  homiletically,  107; 
a passage  in,  interpreted,  118. 

Nursing,  taught  to  girls,  98. 

Oaths,  a Midrash  on,  118;  Mose9 
Cordovero  on,  238. 

Obadiah  of  Bertinoro,  on  the  Jews 
of  Safed,  207-8. 

Oil,  produced  near  Safed,  230;  ex- 
ported from  Safed,  230. 

Old  Testament,  the,  relation  of, 
to  the  New  Testament,  201; 
finality  of,  201. 

See  also  Bible,  the. 

Olives,  the  Mount  of,  meetings  of 
pilgrims  on,  205. 

“ One  Hundred  and  Thirty-Eight 
Doors  of  Wisdom,”  by  Moses 
Chayim  Luzzatto,  281. 

Oral  Law,  the,  codified  in  the 
Beth  Joseph,  21 1. 

See  also  Talmud,  the. 

“ Order  of  Prayers  for  Midnight, 
The,”  156. 

Ordinances  of  Ezra,  the,  and  the 
dates  of  Ben  Sira,  56. 

“ Ordination,”  attempts  to  re-in- 
troduce,  233-5;  full  meaning 
of,  233-4;  importance  of,  234. 

Origen,  and  Aquila’s  Greek  ver- 
sion of  the  Bible,  24-5. 

Original  sin,  the  doctrine  of,  in 
Ecclesiasticus,  69. 

Orphans,  treatment  of,  in  Safed, 
247- 

Oxford,  fragments  of  Ecclesiasti- 
cus at,  10. 

Paitanim,  the  religious  value  of 
the  work  of,  18-19. 

See  also  Liturgy,  the. 

Palestine,  the  Loria  family  in, 
25'- 

See  also  Holy  Land,  the. 

Palimpsests,  among  the  Genizah 
fragments,  17-18,  25. 

“ Paradise  Lost,”  alluded  to,  35. 


Pardes,  the,  a Cabbalistic  work, 
by  Moses  Cordovero,  240; 
and  Zimzum,  260. 

Parnas,  of  Hamburg,  127,  130-1; 
of  Hessen,  131,  132;  in  the 
Cologne  province,  133;  of 
Metz,  145,  146. 

Parzuphim,  dwelt  upon  by  Isaac 
Loria,  261;  defined,  261. 

Pascal,  alluded  to,  178. 

Passover,  the,  special  prayers  for, 
in  Safed,  244. 

“ Path  of  the  Upright,  The,”  by 
Moses  Chayim  Luzzatto, 
281-2. 

Pathological  interest  attached  to 
Safed,  247. 

Pedigree,  Ben  Sira  on,  96. 

Penance,  and  repentance,  246. 

Penitential  Days,  the,  as  viewed 
by  the  saint,  159. 

Penitents,  the  Society  of,  de- 
scribed, 245,  249. 

Pensees,  by  Pascal,  alluded  to, 
178. 

Pentateuch,  the,  disposition  of 
worn-out  copies  of,  1;  colo- 
phons to  manuscripts  of,  16, 
17;  criticism  of,  33-4;  the 
revelation  of  God  to  man, 
154- 

See  also  Bible,  the;  Law,  the; 
Torah,  the. 

Pepys,  the  diary  of,  alluded  to, 
84. 

Perles,  Dr.  Felix,  on  trellis-writ- 
ing, 15- 

Persecutions,  and  the  Jewish 
genius,  185. 

Persian  influence  in  Ecclesiasticus, 
5i-3- 

Persian-Greek  period,  the,  of  Jew- 
ish history,  a document  of,  26; 
according  to  modern  Bible 
critics,  41,  42,  43. 

Pesikta,  the,  and  the  study  of 
the  Bible,  200. 


INDEX 


353 


Petra,  in  the  New  Testament  and 
in  Rabbinic  literature,  118-19. 

Petulance,  impairs  the  relation  be- 
tween man  and  his  fellow, 
166. 

Pharchi,  traveller,  explores  the 
Holy  Land,  205,  206. 

Pharez  Colobi,  head  of  the  Safed 
community,  a merchant,  208. 

Pharisaic  Schools,  the,  and  the 
doctrine  of  immortality,  70. 

Philo,  alluded  to,  4. 

Philosophical  works,  in  the  Geni- 
zah,  11,  12. 

Phinehas  ben  Jair,  on  purification, 
110-11;  the  reincarnation  of, 
277-8. 

Physiognomy,  Isaac  Loria  an 
adept  in,  265. 

Physiology,  studied  by  the  Rabbis, 
76- 

Pilgrimages,  to  the  Holy  Land, 
205. 

Pires,  Diogo,  Marrano  name  of 
Solomon  Molko,  223. 

Pirke  Aboth,  quoted,  12,  30,  107; 
a commentary  on,  250. 

Piyutim,  of  the  Kaliric  period, 
19;  palimpsests,  25. 

See  also  Liturgy,  the;  and 
P ait  an  im. 

“ Pleasures  of  Faith,”  by  Ruskin, 
quoted,  177. 

Plutarch,  cited,  20. 

Pocock,  and  the  Talmud,  103. 

Poland,  the  Jews  of,  victims  of 
Chmielnicki,  129-30;  a centre 
for  Jewish  studies,  132;  the 
Loria  family  in,  251. 

Polish  Jews,  as  reformers,  192. 

Political  distinctions,  value  of,  to 
the  Jews,  197. 

Politics,  the,  of  Ben  Sira,  83. 

Porta  Mosis,  by  Pocock,  and  the 
Talmud,  103. 

Portugal,  the  exiles  from,  in  the 
Holy  Land,  203,  228-30;  al- 
luded to,  222. 


Post-Biblical  literature,  the  study 
of,  197;  Judaism  and  Chris- 
tian scholars,  201. 

See  also  Talmud,  the. 

Potters,  among  the  Jews  in  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  71. 

Poverty,  Ben  Sira’s  view  on,  82. 

Power,  desire  for,  impairs  the  re- 
lation of  man  and  his  fellow, 
166. 

Prayer,  the  revelation  of  man  to 
God,  9,  154;  in  the  Syna- 

gogue, 66-8;  nature  of,  66; 
and  the  artisan,  70;  the  place 
of,  among  the  Jews,  120-1; 
and  saintliness,  154-7;  thanks- 
giving for,  155;  by  God,  155; 
favourable  time  for,  155-6; 
must  be  universal,  171;  the 
place  of,  in  Safed,  242-3; 
and  charity,  246-7;  in  the 
system  of  Isaac  Loria,  270-1. 

See  also  Liturgy,  the. 

Prayer-Book,  the,  fragments  of,  in 
the  Genizah,  10. 

See  also  Liturgy,  the. 

Prescriptions,  medical,  in  the 
Genizah, 1 1. 

“ President  ” of  the  Sanhedrin,  a 
proselyte,  64. 

See  also  Nasi,  the. 

Pride,  impairs  the  relation  be- 
tween man  and  his  fellow, 
166;  the  source  of  all  evils, 
167-8. 

Priesthood,  the  crown  of  the,  64. 

“ Priestly  Code,”  the,  expounded 
by  Ezekiel,  36;  supposed  evil 
effects  of,  71. 

See  also  Levitical  Code,  the. 

Priests,  the,  admired  by  Ben  Sira, 
65;  traitors,  65-6;  and  the  die- 
tary laws,  70;  revenues  of, 
73-5;  desperate  position  of, 
75;  as  tax-farmers,  79. 

Printers,  in  demand  in  Safed,  231. 

Privatleben  der  Romer,  by  Mar- 
quardt,  alluded  to,  86. 


354 


INDEX 


Products  of  the  neighbourhood  of 
Safed,  230. 

Professions,  the,  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  72. 

Property,  sacredness  of,  held  by 
Ben  Sira,  80-1. 

Prophets,  the,  value  of  Lives  and 
Times  of,  37;  Ben  Sira’s  faith 
in,  51;  admired  in  the  time 
of  Ben  Sira,  69. 

Prophets,  the  Books  of  the,  colo- 
phons to  manuscripts  of,  16; 
the  Canon  of,  formed  in  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  58;  the  rev- 
elation of  God  to  man,  1 54. 

Propositions,  the,  and  the  Cab- 
balists,  280-1. 

Proverb,  a Jewish,  93. 

Proverbs,  the  Book  ot,  written  in 
two  columns,  26;  a model  for 
Ecclesiasticus,  47,  57;  on  cor- 
poral punishment,  97;  quot- 
ed, 151,  237. 

Psalms,  the,  quoted,  24,  59,  153-4, 
156,  161,  179,  247,  279;  used 
as  a hymn-book,  34;  inter- 
pret Isaiah,  36;  interpret 
Deuteronomy,  37;  the  author- 
ship of,  39;  date  of,  42; 
known  to  Ben  Sira,  47-8;  and 
the  dates  of  Ben  Sira,  55-6; 
a model  for  Ecclesiasticus, 
48-9,  50,  58;  verses  from,  in 
Ecclesiasticus,  68;  passages  in, 
interpreted,  108,  116-17,  122; 
the  revelation  of  man  to  God, 
154;  testify  to  enthusiasm  in 
Judaism,  186. 

See  also  Maccabjean  Psalms, 
the. 

Psalter,  the.  See  Psalms,  the. 

Pseudo-Messianic  movements,  ex- 
cesses of,  281,  285. 

Ptolemaic  armies,  the,  Jews  in, 
72- 

Punctuation,  system  of,  in  Geni- 
zah  fragments,  10,  13. 


Purification,  Phinehas  ben  Jair 
on,  no. 

Pusey,  Dr.,  alluded  to,  33. 

Rabbi,  how  the  title  was  used, 
232. 

“ Rabbi,  a Christian,”  in  the  syna- 
gogues of  Hamburg,  129. 

Rabbi,  an  ancient,  quoted,  153, 
154- 

See  also  Rabbis,  the. 

Rabbinic  literature,  on  gaiety,  91; 
on  charitableness,  94;  on  vis- 
iting the  sick,  99;  in  the  time 
of  Jesus,  102;  view  of  some 
Christian  scholars  on,  104-6; 
compared  with  the  New  Testa- 
ment, 106  et  seq.;  studied  by 
Christians,  125. 

See  also  Rabbis,  the;  and  Tal- 
mud, the. 

Rabbinic  phraseology,  in  the  New 
Testament,  117. 

Rabbinism,  in  the  time  of  Ben 
Sira,  58. 

Rabbinites,  the,  controversies  of, 
with  the  Karaites,  28. 

Rabbis,  the,  on  Aquila’s  Greek 
version  of  the  Bible,  24;  and 
the  Temple,  63-  on  trades  and 
vocations,  72;  and  medical 
studies,  76;  on  friendship,  93; 
on  marriage,  96;  on  pedigree, 
96;  on  the  education  of  chil- 
dren, 96;  on  the  period  of 
mourning,  101;  and  the  daugh- 
ter-voice, 1 1 6 ; interpretations 
of,  1 16-18;  on  the  privilege  of 
prayer,  155;  and  regard  for 
truth,  164;  on  the  limits  of 
almsgiving,  172;  on  the  cause 
of  defilement,  190;  on  the 
value  of  study,  196;  on  the 
redemption  of  Israel,  199;  on 
the  Torah,  200. 

See  also  Rabbinic  literature; 
and  Talmud,  the. 


INDEX 


355 


Reade,  Charles,  alluded  to,  222. 

" Reader  without  Tears,”  16. 

Real  estate,  Moses  ben  Joseph 
Trani  3 specialist  on  the  law 
of,  236. 

Redemption,  the,  of  Israel,  and 
prayer,  271. 

Religion,  and  the  European  genius, 
183-4. 

Religion,  the,  of  Ben  Sira,  83. 

Renaissance,  the,  defined,  199. 

Renan,  quoted,  102. 

“ Renewed  world,”  not  understood 
by  Christian  writers,  121. 

Repentance,  and  baptism,  109;  the 
saving  power  of,  115-16;  de- 
fined, 246. 

Resliith  Chochmah,  by  Elijah  de 
Vidas,  278-9. 

Responsa,  by  Joseph  Caro,  213, 
264;  by  Jacob  Berab,  233; 
by  Moses  ben  Joseph  Trani, 
235;  by  Moses  C'ordovero, 
237 ; by  Moses  Alsheich,  241; 
by  Safed  authorities,  283-4; 

Resurrection,  the  doctrine  of,  in 
the  time  of  Ben  Sira,  68-9. 

Reubeni.  See  David  Reubeni. 

Reuchlin,  and  the  Talmud,  103. 

Revelation,  place  of  the  daughter- 
voice  in,  1 1 3. 

Reward  and  punishment,  a Jewish 
doctrine,  142. 

Rock,  epithet  of  Abraham,  118-19. 

Rock  of  Isaac,  the,  in  Ecclesiasti- 
cus,  67. 

Rome,  Solomon  Molko,  in,  224-5. 

Rosh.  See  Asher. 

Royalty,  the  crown  of,  64. 

Ruler  of  the  feast,  the,  functions 
of,  85;  honor  paid  to,  88. 

Ruskin,  quoted,  177;  alluded  to, 
200. 

Russian  Jews,  as  reformers,  192. 

Ruth,  the  Book  of,  date  of,  doubt- 
ful, 42. 


Saadya,  alluded  to,  28;  contro- 
versy of,  with  Ben  Meir,  29; 
and  Ecclesiasticus,  45. 

Sabbatai  Horwitz,  Cabbalist,  and 
Moses  Cordovero,  260. 

Sabbatai  Zebi,  Pseudo-Messiah, 
Gliickel  von  Hameln  on, 
135-6;  alluded  to,  281. 

Sabbath,  the,  the  observance  of,  in 
the  time  of  Ben  Sira,  70;  as 
viewed  by  the  saint,  158;  the 
mate  of  Israel,  158;  no  fast- 
ing on,  162;  the  reception  of, 
216,  228,  239,  243;  a day  of 
joy,  248-9;  society  for  cele- 
brating the  end  of,  249;  cele- 
bration of,  by  Isaac  Loria, 
275-8. 

Sabbatical  year,  the,  different 
views  on,  236. 

“ Sacred  Letter,  The,”  by  Nach- 
manides,  on  the  relation  of 
the  sexes,  176. 

Safed,  situation  of,  202;  in  Jew- 
ish literature,  202,  206;  emi- 
gration to,  206;  in  the  four- 
teenth and  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury, 206;  elements  of  the 
population  in,  207;  why  pre- 
ferred to  Jerusalem,  207-9; 
simple  life  in,  208;  humility 
of  the  scholars  of,  208-9; 
synagogues  in,  209,  228,  229, 
230,  284;  growth  of,  209, 

228-9;  the  great  men  of,  210- 
1 1 ; Solomon  Molko  visits, 
224;  at  the  time  of  Joseph 
Caro,  228-33;  the  Sephardim 
in,  229-30;  various  nationali- 
ties in,  229-30;  general  meet- 
ing house  in,  229-30;  trades 
and  occupations  in,  230-31, 
273;  products  of  neighbour- 
hood of,  230;  prosperity  in, 
231;  the  spiritual  and  intel- 
lectual life  in,  231-3,  242  et 
seq.,  250;  worship  in,  242-4; 


356 


INDEX 


intellectual  opportunities  in, 
250-1;  at  its  zenith,  251;  Isaac 
Loria  comes  to,  256;  Chayim 
Vital  comes  to,  266-7;  the  as- 
cetic influence  of,  282-3;  de- 
cline of,  283-5;  a i'st  of  the 
saints  of,  302-6. 

Sages,  the.  See  Scribes,  the- 

Sagis.  See  Solomon  Sagis. 

Saint,  the,  in  the  world  to  come, 
88;  Hebrew  equivalent  for, 

1 51;  individualism  of,  152, 
159,  160;  longing  of,  for 

prayer,  154-7;  and  the  Sab- 
bath, 158;  and  the  festivals, 
158;  and  the  Penitential 
Days,  159;  self-control  of, 
159-61;  and  asceticism,  161-3; 
and  regard  for  the  truth, 
163-4;  and  the  laws  of  con- 
duct, 165-70;  and  injury  to 
his  neighbour,  165-6;  and  hu- 
mility, 167-70;  and  love  of 
neighbour,  170-1;  and  zeal  for 
the  faith,  17 1;  and  almsgiv- 
ing, 1 7 1-4;  and  dumb  beasts, 
174-5;  and  marriage,  176-7; 
and  mysticism,  177-8;  and  sin, 
178-80;  and  grace,  179,  180-1; 
and  death,  181;  defined  by 
mystics,  181. 

See  also  Safed;  and  Saintliness. 

St.  Francis,  of  Assisi,  and  Se- 
mitic religion,  184. 

St.  Jerome.  See  Jerome. 

St.  Michaels,  Coptic  church,  a 
synagogue,  5. 

St.  Paul,  alluded  to,  159. 

St.  Peter’s  church  at  Rome,  al- 
luded to,  63. 

Saintliness,  and  mysticism,  149; 
Hebrew  equivalent  for,  15 1; 
allied  with  holiness,  15 1-2; 
defined  by  Jewish  writers, 
152;  a subjective  quality,  153; 
communion  with  the  Divine, 
153-4;  and  prayer,  154-7. 

See  also  Saint,  the. 


Saints,  organisations  of,  among 
Jews,  153. 

Saints,  the.  See  Assidasans,  the; 
and  Chasidim,  the. 

Salonica,  alluded  to,  220,  225, 

227. 

Sambari,  chronicler,  in  Cairo,  5; 
on  Isaac  Loria  and  Moses  Cor- 
dovero,  257. 

Samson  Bak,  traveller,  in  Safed, 
283. 

Samuel,  the  First  Book  of,  quoted, 
191. 

Samuel  ben  Nachmani,  Agadist, 
and  Moses  Alsheich,  277. 

Samuel  ben  Shimshon,  on  Safed, 
206. 

Samuel  de  Useda,  commentator  on 
Pirke  Aboth,  250;  reincarna- 
tion of  Phinehas  ben  Jair, 
277-8. 

Samuel  Usque,  on  the  Holy  Land, 
202-3. 

“ Sanctification  of  the  name  of 
God,”  not  understood  by 
Christian  writers,  120;  and 
martyrdom,  203;  by  Joseph 
Caro,  220-1. 

Sanhedrin,  the,  offices  of,  held  by 
proselytes,  64;  the  constitu- 
tion of,  105-6;  at  Jabneh,  124; 
attempt  to  re-establish,  233-4. 

Saragossi.  See  Joseph  Saragossi. 

Satan,  pursues  David,  m-12. 

Saul,  and  the  daughter-voice,  114. 

Sayings  of  the  Jewish  Fathers. 

See  Pirke  Aboth. 

Scholastic  profession,  the,  in  the 
time  of  Ben  Sira,  72,  73. 

Shechinah,  the.  See  Divine  Pres- 
ence, the. 

Schleiermacher,  alluded  to,  35; 
and  the  Talmud,  104. 

Schiirer,  the  value  of  the  history 
by,  119-20. 

Schwab,  Esther,  daughter  of 
Gliickel  von  Hameln,  145;  vir- 
tues of,  146. 


INDEX 


357 


Schwab.  See  Jachet-Agathe 
Schwab. 

Scoffers,  excluded  from  the  Divine 
Presence,  238. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  alluded  to,  222. 

Scribes,  the,  the  teachers,  62;  as- 
cendency of,  65 ; ordinances 
of,  70. 

See  also  Ezra  the  Scribe. 

Scriptures,  the.  See  Bible,  the. 

Sects,  Jewish,  writings  of,  in  the 
Genizah,  13. 

Selden,  and  the  Talmud,  103. 

Select  Discourses,  by  John  Smith, 
and  the  Rabbis,  103. 

Self-assertion,  impairs  the  relation 
of  man  and  his  fellow,  166. 

Self-consciousness,  lack  of,  among 
Jews,  183-4,  '85,  199-200;  how 
strengthened,  199. 

Semichah.  See  “ Ordination.” 

Senior.  See  Shneor  Zalman. 

Sephardim,  the,  and  Sabbatai  Zebi, 
135;  of  Amsterdam  at  the 
wedding  of  Gliickel  von  Ha- 
mein’s  daughter,  137;  in 
Safed,  229-30. 

See  also  under  Portugal,  and 
Spain. 

Scpher  Charedim,  by  Eliezer  Az- 
kari,  244. 

Sepher  ha-Zohar.  See  Zohar,  the. 

Sephiroth.  See  Emanations. 

Septuagint,  the,  excessively  es- 
teemed, 4;  misreadings  of,  ac- 
counted for,  15;  compared 
with  Aquila’s  version  of  the 
Bible,  23;  inaccuracies  in, 
23-4- 

Sermon  on  the  Mount,  the,  com- 
mentary on,  36;  Rabbinic 
phraseology  in,  117. 

Servants,  not  in  demand  in  Safed, 
208,  231. 

Sexes,  the  relation  of  the,  as 
viewed  by  Judaism,  175-7;  in 
the  Reshith  Chochmah,  279. 


Shammai,  the  doctrine  of  immor- 
tality in  the  time  of,  70. 

Sharp,  Becky,  alluded  to,  187. 

Shem  Tob  Ibn  Gaon,  migrates  to 
Safed,  206. 

Shema,  the,  Joseph  Caro  on,  216. 

Shemariah,  a proselyte,  holds  a 
high  office  in  the  Sanhedrin, 
64. 

Shemariah  ben  Elhanan,  letter  ad- 
dressed to,  29. 

Shepha  Tal,  Cabbalistic  book,  by 
Sabbatai  Horwitz,  260. 

Sherira,  alluded  to,  28. 

Shield  of  Abraham,  the,  in  Ec- 
clesiasticus,  67. 

Shittah  Mekubezeth,  by  Bezaleel 
Ashkenazi,  253. 

Shlomel  of  Moravia,  on  the  resi- 
dents of  Safed,  208;  on  edu- 
cational facilities  in  Safed, 
209;  on  Safed,  231-2;  on  the 
relation  between  Isaac  Loria 
and  Joseph  Caro,  264. 

Shmuel,  brother-in-law  of  Gliickel 
von  Hameln,  132,  133;  Chief 
Rabbi  of  Hildesheim,  133. 

Shneor  Zalman,  on  charity  in  a 
time  of  distress,  172-3;  suc- 
cessor to,  174. 

Shulamith,  alluded  to,  56. 

Shulchan  Aruch,  the,  alluded  to, 
170;  value  of,  as  a code,  21 1- 
12. 

Shuiem,  Chief  Rabbi  of  Lemberg, 
connected  with  the  Hameln 
family,  132. 

Sicily,  alluded  to,  206. 

Sick,  visits  to  the,  99-100. 

Sidgwick,  Professor,  alluded  to,  3. 

Sidon,  alluded  to,  206. 

Siloam  inscription,  the,  referred 
to,  25. 

Simon  the  Just,  son  of  Johanan, 
high  priest,  extolled  by  Ben 
Sira,  50;  described  by  Ben 
Sira,  60-1,  62;  and  the  vows 
of  a Nazarite,  90. 


358 


INDEX 


Simon  ben  Shetach,  and  the  Tem- 
ple, 63. 

Simon  ben  Yochai,  an  exponent  of 
Judaism,  192;  reputed  author 
of  the  Zohar,  255;  on  Biblical 
metaphors,  263;  compared 
with  Isaac  Loria,  265;  Isaac 
Loria  the  reincarnation  of, 
277- 

Sin,  the  Hebrew  term  for,  no; 
the  consciousness  of,  and 
saintliness,  178-80;  Joseph 
Caro  on,  216;  the  sense  of, 
displayed  by  Jewish  writers, 
203-4;  disfigures  the  face  of 
man,  274. 

See  also  Sins,  the  confession  of. 

Sin  offering,  the,  indispensable  in 
the  time  of  Ben  Sira,  64. 

Sinope,  birthplace  of  Aquila,  20. 

Sins,  the  confession  of,  before 
death,  too;  in  the  Jewish  lit- 
urgy. 157;  in  the  Safed  order 
of  service,  242;  by  members 
of  societies,  244-5 1 by  Isaac 
Loria,  270. 

See  also  Sin. 

Siphre,  and  the  study  of  the  Bible, 
200. 

Sirach.  See  Ecclesiasticus. 

Sister,  term  for  the  Keneseth  Is- 
rael, 1 2 1. 

Slander,  classified,  165. 

Slavery,  Lincoln  on  the  sin  of, 
157- 

Sleep,  indulgence  in,  forbidden  to 
Joseph  Caro,  by  his  Mentor- 
Angel,  216. 

Smith,  John,  and  the  Rabbis,  103. 

Smiths,  in  demand  in  Safed,  230. 

Smyrna,  alluded  to,  135. 

Social  conditions  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  77-9. 

Social  problems  in  Israel,  78-9. 

Social  reforms,  Ben  Sira  on,  79, 
80,  83. 

Societies  in  Safed,  244-6. 

Socrates,  alluded  to,  192. 


Solomon,  relation  of,  to  Ecclesias- 
tes, 39;  the  daughter- voice  in- 
tercedes for,  1 1 3. 

Solomon,  the  father  of  Isaac 
Loria,  253. 

Solomon  Halevi  Alkabez,  and 
Caro’s  Mentor-Angel,  213-14, 
219-20;  referred  to  in  the 
Maggid  Mesharim,  222;  data 
of  the  early  life  of,  227; 
books  and  poems  by,  227-8; 
and  Joseph  Caro’s  Mentor- 
Angel,  233;  and  Moses  Cor- 
dovero,  237,  239-40;  and  Jos- 
seph  Caro,  237-8;  presides 
over  the  Associates,  238,  239; 
precepts  drawn  up  by,  239; 
alluded  to,  250. 

Solomon  Molko,  frequent  refer- 
ence to,  in  the  Maggid  Me- 
sharim, 222;  as  the  subject  of 
an  historical  novel,  222;  early 
life  of,  222-3;  and  David 
Reubeni,  223 ; visions  of, 
223-4;  in  Palestine,  224;  in 
Italy,  224-5 ; as  Messiah  ben 
Joseph,  225;  betrayed,  225; 
death  of,  225;  influence  of,  on 
Joseph  Caro,  225-6. 

Solomon  Sagis,  humility  of,  208-9; 
alluded  to,  250. 

Son,  term  for  the  Keneseth  Israel, 
121. 

Song  of  Songs,  the,  date  of, 
doubtful,  42 ; the  interpreta- 
tion of  passages  in,  107-8; 
allegory  of  the  relation  of 
God  and  Israel,  176-7;  testifies 
to  enthusiasm  in  Judaism,  186. 

Spain,  Rabbis  from,  go  to  the 
Holy  Land,  205;  the  exiles 
from,  in  the  Holy  Land,  203, 
206,  228-30;  the  Jews  of,  re- 
proved, 203-4;  in  Adrianople, 
210. 

Spanish,  used  in  Safed,  229. 

Speech,  Ben  Sira  on  the  evils  of, 
92-3- 


INDEX 


359 


Spinning,  taught  to  girls,  98. 

Spinoza,  and  persecutions,  185. 

Spirituality,  defined,  187-8;  in 
Judaism,  192-3. 

See  also  Saint,  the;  and  Saint- 
liness. 

Stade,  alluded  to,  200. 

Stadthagen,  home  of  Joseph  Ha- 
mein,  1 3 1. 

“ Stevenson,  Robert  Louis,  The 
Letters  of,”  quoted,  182. 

Strack,  alluded  to,  33. 

Strengths,  the  second  of  the  Eigh- 
teen Benedictions,  67,  68. 

Succath  Shalom.  See  Tent  of 
Peace,  the  society  of. 

Swearing.  See  Oaths. 

Synagogue,  the,  in  post-exilic 
Judaism,  60;  teaching  the 
function  of,  62,  63,  66;  rela- 
tion of,  to  the  Temple,  63-4, 
70;  designations  of,  63;  func- 
tions of,  63-4,  66;  democratic 
constitution  of,  64;  as  a re- 
ligious factor  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  64-5;  prayer  the 
function  of,  66-8;  and  the 
home,  70. 

Synagogue,  tne  Great.  See  Kene- 
seth  ha-Gedolah ; and  Great 
Synagogue,  the. 

Synagogues  in  Safed,  209,  228, 
229,  230,  284. 

Synoptic  Gospels,  the,  and  Schlei- 
ermacher,  104. 

Syriac,  Palestinian, — Hebrew  pa- 
limpsests, 18. 

Tabernacles,  the  Feast  of,  a time 
of  pilgrimages,  205 ; special 
prayers  for,  in  Safed,  244. 

Taharah,  the,  of  Jesus,  110-11. 

Tailors,  in  demand  in  Safed,  230. 

Tale-bearers,  excluded  from  the 
Divine  Presence,  238. 

Talmud,  the,  fragments  of,  in  the 
Genizah,  10,  12,  27-8;  com- 


mentaries on,  in  the  Genizah, 
10;  quotations  from  Ben  Sira 
in,  44;  lost  book  mentioned  in, 
53;  and  the  dates  of  Ben  Sira, 
56;  a secondary  source  on 
Ben  Sira,  56;  on  the  order  of 
the  table,  86;  quoted,  87,  109; 
a story  from,  on  the  effect  of 
wine,  90;  on  visiting  the  sick, 
99-100;  important  in  the  study 
of  the  Bible,  103;  and  Chris- 
tian scholars,  103-4;  and 
Schleiermacher,  104;  and  the 
higher  criticism,  105-6;  par- 
allel to  the  “ Lord’s  Prayer  ” 
in,  120;  miracles  in,  122;  and 
the  laws  of  conduct,  165;  and 
Safed,  202;  methodology  of, 
213;  taught  to  Marranos,  223; 
commentary  on,  by  Jacob 
Berab,  233;  on  man  as  creator 
of  the  world,  268-9. 

See  also  Babylonian  Talmud, 
the;  Jerusalem  Talmud,  the: 
Law,  the;  Oral  Law,  the; 
Rabbis,  the;  and  Rabbinical 
literature,  the. 

Talmudic  Colleges,  new  light  on 
the  rise  of,  29;  at  Safed,  209, 
229,  235,  236-7,  237,  241,  285; 
at  Adrianople,  21 1. 

Tanners,  in  demand  in  Safed,  230. 

Tax-farmers,  priests  act  as,  79. 

Taxes,  on  immigrant  Jews,  in 
Jerusalem,  207. 

Taylor,  Dr.  C.,  patron  of  Hebrew 
literature,  3-4;  editor  of 
Aquila  fragments,  25  ; and 
Rabbinic  studies,  104. 

Taytasak.  See  Joseph  Taytasak. 

Teachers,  not  in  demand  in 
Safed,  231. 

Temperance,  urged  by  Ben  Sira, 
87- 

Temple,  the,  in  the  time  of  Ben 
Sira,  60-2;  the  service  in, 
61-2;  relation  of,  to  the  Syna- 


360 


INDEX 


gogue,  63-4,  70;  a synagogue 
within  the  precincts  of,  63; 
and  the  Rabbis,  63;  aristocra- 
tic constitution  of,  64;  de- 
spised by  the  priests,  65; 
lucrative  offices  in,  74-5. 

Ten  Tribes,  the,  ambassador  of, 
223. 

Tent  of  Peace,  the  society  of,  de- 
scribed, 244-5. 

Tennyson,  alluded  to,  36,  200. 

Terumah,  the,  chief  revenue  of 
the  priests,  73-4;  enjoyment 
of,  limited,  74. 

Tetragrammaton,  the,  on  the 
Aquila  fragments,  25. 

Theodicy,  a,  in  the  memoirs  of 
Gliickel  von  Hameln,  139-40. 

Theological  controversies,  34-5. 

Theology,  in  Biblical  exegesis, 
32-4;  in  the  time  of  Ben  Sira, 
69;  the  Keneseth  Israel  in  the 
Rabbinic,  121-2;  not  studied 
by  Jews,  195;  and  the  Jewish 
clergy,  195-7. 

Thursday,  a fast,  162;  a special 
day  of  devotion,  284. 

Toasts,  in  Jewish  antiquity,  87. 

Tobiades,  the,  traitorous  priests, 
65. 

Torah,  the  original  meaning  of, 
32. 

Torah,  the,  the  revelation  of  God 
to  man,  9;  authorship  of,  39. 

See  also  Pentateuch,  the. 

Torah,  the,  Ben  Sira  on,  59-60; 
the  crown  of,  64;  and  handi- 
crafts, 79-80;  as  interpreted 
by  Catholic  Israel,  116;  stud- 
ied by  business  men  in  Ham- 
burg, 135;  the  spread  of,  one 
of  Joseph  Caro’s  aspirations, 
218-19. 

See  also  Oral  Law,  the;  Rabbis, 
the;  Rabbinic  literature;  Tal- 
mud the. 

Torrutiel,  alluded  to,  204. 


Trades,  Jews  urged  to  engage  in, 
174;  pursued  in  Safed,  230-1. 

See  also  Artisan;  and  Handi- 
crafts. 

Trading,  by  residents  of  Safed, 
230. 

See  also  Commercial  classes, 
the. 

Tradition,  the  validity  of,  39,  41, 
43.  53.  and  the  early  history 
of  Israel,  41;  and  the  dates 
of  Ben  Sira,  55-6. 

Trani.  See  Joseph  Trani;  and 
Moses  ben  Joseph  Trani. 

Translations,  proper  use  to  be 
made  of,  37-8. 

Transmigration  of  souls.  See 
Metempsychosis. 

T-ellis-writing,  exemplified  in  the 
Genizah  fragments,  15. 

Truth  speaking,  and  saintliness, 
163-4. 

Turvm.  See  Arba  Turim. 

Turkey,  a refuge  for  Jews,  205, 
252;  the  Jews  of,  support 
schools  in  Safed,  209;  toler- 
ant treatment  of  the  Jews  in, 
221;  Solomon  Molko  takes 
refuge  in,  224. 

Twentieth  century,  the,  ideals  of, 
149-50. 

“ Twin-Talmud  of  the  East,”  the 
Babylonian  Talmud,  27. 

Ula  bar  Koseheb,  and  Joshua  ben 
Levi,  165-6. 

Universality,  true  meaning  of,  185. 

Universe,  according  to  the  Cab- 
bala, 258-60. 

Useda.  See  Samuel  de  Useda. 

Usque.  See  Samuel  Usque. 

Vanity,  the  root  of  all  evils,  167-8. 

Variac  Lectiones,  alluded  to,  10. 

Vatican,  the,  alluded  to,  63. 

Venice,  alluded  to,  225. 

Vidas.  See  Elijah  de  Vidas. 


INDEX 


Vineyard,  metaphorically  used, 
107. 

Vital.  See  Chayim  Vital. 

Vitringa,  and  Rabbinic  studies, 
103,  104. 

Voltaire,  Carlyle  on,  148. 

Wallington,  Neliemiah,  alluded  to, 
84. 

Watke,  alluded  to,  35. 

Wealth,  dishonest,  classified,  165. 

Weavers,  in  demand  in  Safed, 
230. 

Weaving,  taught  to  girls,  98;  a 
trade  in  Safed,  230. 

Weed,  Thurlow,  alluded  to,  157. 

Weeks,  the  Feast  of,  special  pray- 
ers for,  in  Safed,  244. 

Weiss,  Isaac  Hirsch,  alluded  to, 
12. 

Wellhausen,  hypothesis  of,  on  the 
word  Torah,  32;  alluded  to, 
42;  on  the  Sanhedrin,  106. 

Wesley,  John,  alluded  to,  187. 

Wheat,  used  allegorically  in  Rab- 
binic literature,  108-9;  pro- 
duced  near  Safed,  230. 

Wife,  qualities  of  a good,  96,  98. 

Wilna,  Jews  from,  flee  to  Ham- 
burg, 130. 

Wills,  in  the  Genizah,  11. 

Wine,  at  banquets  in  the  time  of 
Ben  Sira,  86,  88,  89,  90;  in- 
dulgence in,  forbidden  to  Jo- 
seph Caro,  by  his  Mentor-An- 
gel, 215-16;  produced  near 
Safed,  230;  exported  from 
Safed,  230;  served  at  Sabbath 
meals,  249. 

Wisdom,  identical  with  the  Torah, 
59- 

Wisdom  literature,  the,  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  26. 

Wisdom  of  Ben  Sira,  The.  See 
Ecclesiasticus. 

Wohlenberg,  alluded  to,  77. 

Woman,  passages  on,  the  strange, 
in  Ecclesiasticus,  57;  Ben  Sira 


361 


on,  95,  96;  and  the  national 
sciences,  193;  instructed  in 
the  liturgy,  in  Safed,  242. 

Wood-workers,  in  demand  in 
Safed,  230. 

Wool,  the  weaving  of,  in  Safed, 
230. 

“ Words  of  the  Scribes,  The,”  70. 

Wordsworth,  alluded  to,  200. 

Workmen,  and  Isaac  Loria,  273-5. 

Worship,  in  the  synagogue  of  Ben 
Sira’s  time,  63. 

See  also  Liturgy,  the;  and 
Prayer. 

Yeshibah.  See  Talmudic  College, 
a. 

Y eshiboth.  See  Talmudic  Col- 
leges. 

Yezer,  explained,  35-6. 

Yomtob  Zahalon,  prominent  in 
Safed,  283. 

Yom  Kippur.  See  Atonement,  the 
Day  of. 

Yozer,  explained,  35-6. 

Zadok,  an  exponent  of  Judaism, 
192. 

Zadok,  the  priestly  house  of, 
superseded,  49,  50;  in  Ecclesi- 
asticus, 51. 

Zahalon.  See  Yomtob  Zahalon. 

Zalman,  and  the  Gaon  of  Wilna, 
162. 

Zalman.  See  Shneor  Zalman. 

Zarpbathi.  See  Joseph  Zarphathi. 

Zeal,  religious,  and  saintliness, 
1 7 1 ; and  missions,  186. 

Zechariah,  the  Book  of,  remin- 
iscences of,  in  Ecclesiasticus, 
5°- 

Zechariah  Zechsel,  father-in-law  of 
Joseph  Caro,  215. 

Zemiroth  Israel,  by  Israel  Nagara, 
251. 

Zephed,  and  Safed,  202. 


362 


INDEX 


Zimzum,  the  system  of,  260. 
Zipporah,  daughter  of  Gliickel  von 
Hameln,  married,  136-7. 

Zohar,  the,  explained  by  Solomon 
Alkabez,  238;  given  to  Isaac 
Loria  by  a Marrano,  254-5; 
studied  by  Isaac  Loria,  255; 
the  Idras  of,  261-3;  commen- 


tary on,  266;  studied  by  the 
school  of  Isaac  Loria,  267. 

See  also  Cabbala,  the. 

Zunz,  and  students  of  Rabbinism, 
103. 

Zur  Literatur  und  Gescliichte,  by 
Zunz,  and  students  of  Rabbin- 
ism, 103. 


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